• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.36 no.9
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• pp.1172-1181
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• 2007

This research involved 226 Jeonbuk Province school dietitians as subjects to investigate intake and perceptions of the healthy functional foods. Sixty nine percent of the school dietitians didn't even know about the law enforcement concerning the health functional foods. Although 68.1% of the respondents said that they slightly knew about health functional foods, only 25% knew exactly what it was. As shown in the survey, most didn't have the cognitive understanding did not understand which should be obtained by education. Sixty two percent of the answerers said they had experience of taking health various functional food products of various kinds such as supplements (57.9%), red ginseng products (52.9%), and chlorella products (30.0%). The motive of intake was in the order of fatigue restoration (25.7%), sickness prevention (22.9%), and nutrient replenishment (22.9%). A fascinating fact from this study was that the reason for healthy functional product intake was different between groups that was primarily interested in the products and those that was not. For those who had interest, the reason for intake was for sickness prevention. On the other hand, for those who didn't have any interest, the reasons was primarily for fatigue restoration and they were mostly persuaded by close friends and relatives. Main concerns were in the order of side effects (4.72), efficacy after intake (4.59), cleanliness (4.51), reliability of the company (4.29), and price (4.23). In view of the study, it is clear that a lot of people are showing interest in healthy functional food products. However, dietitians who are experts in food and nutrition lacked knowledge and information on healthy functional food.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.52
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• pp.7-46
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• 2017

The elderly in the Joseon Dynasty consistently attracted attention from the national herb as objects of social respect. Based on the Confucian ideology, the old man was considered to be a receiving body, since he was a person with complete character as a man. The elderly, who have the character of being a slave, transcended their status, and both the souls and the people were transcended beyond their identities and attributes and became objects of respect. The perception of the elderly is divided by age. The persons who are 50 years old and start to be in physical decline were regarded as senior citizens. However, this was just mentioned as an inflection point between the prime of manhood and senior citizens and was not defined as the elderly. As a public duty called a national work ends when they are 60 years old, the age is truly the lowest limit of senior citizens who are applicable to all the social beings. However, because their public duties end when they are 60 years old and they were regarded as general members of society, special benefits were not granted to them. In the caste system and bureaucratic society, senior citizens' treatment were differently done by age. For the senior citizens who are 70 years old, various benefits were just granted to high government officials. Bokho(復戶) and Seojeong were first given to them. And the retirement age of government officials was not specially set. It was done in the way to treat Jonno with exceptional respect by Chisa(致仕: regular retirement). It is the most respectful treatment given to high government officials and ministers. For the senior citizens who are 80 years old, Yangnoyeon(養老宴) was held for both of Yangmin and Cheonmin as an measure to treat them considerately. In addition, official ranks(官品) with social value were allowed by giving them Noinjik (老人職). Official ranks given to Seoin and Cheonin were the best Jonno(尊老) policy. However, the Jonno policy related to senior citizens was different according to position and official ranks as follows: Kings were subjected to social treatment when they were 60 years old. High government officials and royal relatives of the senior grade of the second court rank were subjected to social treatment when they were 70 years old. And general Seoin and slaves were subjected to social treatment when they were respectively 80 and 90 years old. Senior citizens were individually supported. However, social value was granted because the nation supervised it. As Bokho and Sijeong were assigned according to position and official ranks and kinds of things were different, the social limit was clearly shown. Social order was put above the ideology called Jonno thought. However, Jonno acts by age and position did not stay at the individual level and the nation took care of the senior citizens who are the members of society in various ways based on Jonno thought. Society tried to take care of the senior citizens who had difficulties in their activities because of being in physical decline. The nation increased the existence value of the senior citizens by giving things(賜物) including chairs, rice, meat, and ice economically, exoneration(免罪), the reduction system, and wergild legally, and Noinjik called Gaja(加資) socially to them and changing them to the members of society. Yangnoyeon and Gaja held targeting people of every class by transcending position and official ranks make the point that the senior citizens who are more than 80 years old are subject to social jonno clear. That is, the senior citizens were subject to respect for the elderly as the persons who were socially respected transcending their position when they got to be 80 years old.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.36
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• pp.101-133
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• 2013

In this paper, the writer investigated the thoughts on military art and science with a focus on the typical books on military art and science, which was published in the latter period of Joseon, and the discussion of literati in that time. Joseon had been happy to enjoy the piping times of peace for about 200 years ever since the establishment of the dynasty. However, having had to gone through two major wars, the Joseon Dynasty, revolving around scholarly people, had awakened the limits of military art and science of Joseon. It can be said that the countermeasure against Japanese pirates, which were reflected in the "Jingbirok" (懲毖錄 - Records of the 1592 Japanese Invasion) written by Yu Seong-ryong, and the experiences of war had formed the basis of the thoughts on military art and science in the latter period. Regrettably, there were no suggestions or proposals of preparing countermeasure against Japanese raiders in the books of military art and science in the early period of the Joseon Dynasty. Meanwhile, as the argument about the battle formation in the early period of Joseon, the process of establishing the military science had not gone smoothly in the latter period of Joseon. Right after the Japanese invasion of 1592, "Gihyo-Sinseo" (紀效新書 - New Text of Practical Tactics written by Cheok Gye-gwang) was brought into the country by the army of Ming (明) Dynasty. At first, this was used in the form of its original edition, or of abstract version in the military drill. But, later, it was published under the title of "Byeonghak-jinam" (兵學指南 - Military Training Manual about Action Rules by combat situation). This book, same as in Zhejian (浙江) province in China, had achieved a positive effect on counteracting the Japanese raiders in our country. However, these military tactics were conflicted with "Owi Jinbeop" - Rules of Deployment of the Five Military Commands, which had been handed down ever since the early period of the Joseon Dynasty, and, at the same time, it was pointed out that those tactics would not be able to apply to the situation uniformly, since Korea and China were geographically different. Furthermore, having gone through Manchu Invasion of 1636 (丙子胡亂, Byeongja horan) Joseon had used "Yeonbyeongsilgi" (練兵實記 - the Actual Records of Training Army), which was compiled in China on the basis of the experiences of wars against the nomad, including Mongolia and so on. And, this had become a typical training manual together with "Byeonghak-jinam". King Yeong Jo and King Jeong Jo of the Joseon Dynasty had tried to establish uniformity in military training by publishing the books of military science representing the latter period of Joseon such as "Sokbyeongjangdoseol" (續兵將圖說- Revision of the Illustrated Manual of Military Training and Tactics,) "Byeonghaktong" (兵學通 Book on Military Art and Science,) "Byeonghakjinamyeonui" (兵學指南演義 - Commentary on 'Byeonghak-jinam') and "Muyedobotongji"(武藝圖譜通志 - Comprehensive Illustrated Manual of Martial Arts,) and so on. King Jeong Jo had actively participated in the arguments in those days. So then the arguments that had been continued for about 200 years, ever since King Seon Jo, put to an end. To sum up the distinctive features of military art and science in both former and latter period of the Joseon Dynasty, in the former period of Joseon, the reasoning military science was proceeded with the initiative of civic official based on "Mugyeongchilseo"(武經七書- the Seven Military Classics). However, in the latter period of Joseon, "Gihyo-Sinseo"(紀效新書 - New Text of Practical Tactics written by Cheok Gye-gwang) had served as a momentum, and also comparatively a large numbers of military official had participated in arguments, so then such an occasion had made the military science turn into the Practical Theory. Meanwhile, King Sejo and King Jeong Jo had played a leading role in the process of establishing the theory of military science of Joseon, however, there are something in common that their succession to the throne was not smooth. This is the part that reminds us "War is an extension of politics," the thesis of Clausewitz

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.9 no.4
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• pp.223-233
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• 1976

The potassium equilibrium activity ratio ($AR^k_e$) and energies of exchange for replacement of ca+Mg by K ($E_k$) were measured for seven paddy soils to investigate their correlations with the exchangeable K (Kex) and uptake of K at different growth stages of rice plant. It was found that $AR^k_e$ had highly significant correlations at 1% level with uptake of K at maximum tillering, heading and harvesting stages, and also with Kex in soils at maximum tillering stage. The larger $AR^k_e$ of soils, the more uptake of K by rice plant. The fact indicates that uptake of K by the plant can be characterized in terms of $AR^k_e$ or energy of exchange of soils. In aspect of energy of exchange, higher uptake of K and yield of grain were observed from -2500 to -3000 calories per chemical equivalent, representing suitable balances between K and Ca+Mg in soils. Low uptake of K was observed at the energies of exchange below -3500 calories per chemical equivalent, which were prevalent in the ordinary acidic soils. From the correlations between energy of exchange and Kex, it can be concluded that at least 0.37 meq. of exchangeable K should be existed in 100g of dried acidic soil to keep suitable balances of K and Ca+Mg. The result shown that application of K adsorbed zeolite to paddy soils increased $AR^k_e$ and consequently brought about higher K uptake and grain yield. Therefore, a reasonable way recommended to get good balance of exchangeable K in the soil is applying 1.7 tonns of K adsorbed zeolite containing 60kg $K_2O$ per hectare.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.205-211
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• 2000

This study was conducted to evaluate the residual effects of basic oxygen furnace (BOF) slag applied in rice paddy fields as soil conditioner one year before. The experimental fields of Lim et al. (2000) located in Youjung and Nampyung were used for this purpose. Both variety (Oryza sativa L. cv. Dongjinbyeo) and cultural practices were the same as those in Lim et al. (2000). Soil chemical properties, plant height, number of tillers per plant, yield and yield components were observed. The temporal variation of treatment mean value in soil chemical properties appeared to be similar trends in both Youjung and Nampyung experimental fields. Soil pH and Ca content were still significantly higher than those in control treatment up to July of the second season, but decreased progressively as time passed. However, the effects lasted longer as slag rate became higher. BOF slag seems to have residual effects as a soil conditioner or Ca fertilizer in soil for two years. BOF slag rate of $4Mg\;ha^{-1}$ raised soil pH almost the same as lime rate of $2Mg\;ha^{-1}$. Content of $SiO_2$ in soil applied slag appeared to be higher compared with control. Fe and Mg content in soil with slag treatment was significantly higher than that of control in 1997, but it was almost the same level as that of control in 1998. In YouJung experimental field, rough rice yield of slag teatment became higher as slage rate incresed. Slag rate of $12Mg\;ha^{-1}$ showed the highest rough rice yield of $5,400kg\;ha^{-1}$ among treatment, which was 14% higher than that of control with $4,720kg\;ha^{-1}$. Slag rate of $12Mg\;ha^{-1}$ showed relatively higher plant height and higher number of tillers at the early growth stage compared with other treatments. In NamPyung experimental field, rough rice yield was the highest at the plot of lime rate $2Mg\;ha^{-1}$ and became higher as slag rate increased. There were no significant differences in rough rice yield between lime treatment and slag treatments. Slag rate of $12Mg\;ha^{-1}$ showed the highest rough rice yield of $7,170kg\;ha^{-1}$ among slag treatment, which was 8% significantly higher than that of control with $6,670kg\;ha^{-1}$. Slag rate of $12Mg\;ha^{-1}$ showed relatively slower growth in plant height at the early growth stage, but superior growth at the later growth stage, and significantly higher number of spiklets per panicle and 1000-grain weight than that of control.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.46-52
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• 2009

Deposition of atmospheric N that is depleted in $^{15}N$ has shown to decrease N isotope ratio ($^{15}N/^{14}N$,expressed as ${\delta}^{15}N$) of forest samples such as tree rings, foliage, and total soil-N. However, its effect on ${\delta}^{15}N$ of mineral soil-N which is biologically active N pool has never been tested. In this study, ${\delta}^{15}N$ of mineral N($NH{_4}^+$ and $NO_3{^-}$) in forest soils from organic and two depths of mineral soil layers (0 to 20 cm and 20 to 40cm depth) of Pinus densiflora stands located at two distinct areas (rural and industrial areas) in southern Korea was analyzed to investigate if there is any difference in ${\delta}^{15}N$ of mineral N between these areas. We also evaluated potential N loss of the study sites using ${\delta}^{15}N$ of mineral N. Across the soil layers, the ${\delta}^{15}N$ of $NH{_4}^+$ ranged from +8.9 to +24.8‰ in the rural area and from +4.4 to +13.8‰ in the industrial area. Soils from organic layer (+4.4‰) and mineral layer between 0 and 20 cm (+13.8‰) of industrial area showed significantly lower ${\delta}^{15}N$ of $NH{_4}^+$ than those of rural area (+8.9 and +24.3‰, respectively), probably indicating the greater contribution of $^{15}N$-depleted $NH{_4}^+$ from atmospheric deposition to forest in the industrial area than in the rural area. Meanwhile, ${\delta}^{15}N$ of $NO_3{^-}$ was not different between the rural and industrial areas, probably because ${\delta}^{15}N$ of $NO_3{^-}$ is more likely to be altered by the N loss that causes $^{15}N$ enrichment of the remaining soil N pool. Compared with the ${\delta}^{15}N$ of soil mineral N reported by other studies (from -10.9 to +15.6‰ for $NH{_4}^+$ and -14.8 to +5.6‰ for $NO_3{^-}$), the ${\delta}^{15}N$ observed in our study was substantially high, suggesting that the study sites are more subject to the N loss. It was concluded that $NH{_4}^+$ rather than $NO_3{^-}$ can conserve the ${\delta}^{15}N$ signature of atmospheric N deposition in forest ecosystems.

• Journal of Sericultural and Entomological Science
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• v.50 no.2
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• pp.101-108
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• 2012

This study was conducted to confirm the mass production of male pupae and sex-limited larval marking variety as a host for synnemata production of Isaria tenupes in RDA(Rural Development Administration). Silkworm pupation, infection rate and synnemate formation of I.tenuipes were examined. Among the silkworm varieties tested, male Hansaengjam showed the highest pupation rate at 98.7%. I. tenuipes infection rate of larvae of newly-exuviated 5th instar silkworm was 83.7 ~ 90.4% in the spring rearing season and 91.7 ~ 96.6% in the autumn rearing season. Synnemata production of I. tenuipes was execellent in female Yangwonjam with an incidence rate of 99.5% followed by male Yangwonjam(99.5%) and Baegokjam(99.4%) in the spring and autumn rearing season. Synnemata living weight ranged from 0.93 ~ 1.25 g in the spring rearing season. The female Hansaengjam had the heaviest synnemata weight(1.25 g). Synnemata dry weight ranged from 0.27 ~ 0.35 g in the spring rearing season. The female Yangwonjam had the heaviest synnemata weight(0.35 g).

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.40 no.5
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• pp.383-391
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• 2007

This study was conducted for an assessment through the estimation of soil loss by each catchment classified by soil catena. Ten catchments, which are Geumgang21, Namgang03, Dongjincheon, Gapyongcheon01, Gyongancheon02, Geumgang16, Byongsungcheon01, Daesincheon, Bukcheon02, Youngsangang08, were selected from the hydrologic unit map and the detailed soil digital map (1:25,000) for this study. The catchments like Geumgang21, Namgang03, Dongjincheon, Gapyongcheon01 and Gyongancheon02 were mainly composed with soils originated from gneiss. The catchments like Geumgang16, Byongsungcheon01, Daesincheon, Bukcheon02 and Youngsangang08 were mainly composed with soils originated from granites. The grades, which are divided into seven grades with A(very tolerable), B(tolerable), C(moderate), D(low), E(high), F(severe), G(very severe), of soil erosion estimated by USLE in catchments were distributed in most A and B because of paddy land and forestry. In detailed, the soil erosion grade of catchments mainly distributing soils originated from gneiss showed more the distribution of B and C than it of catchments mainly distributing soils originated from granites. The reason of results would be derived from topographic characteristics of soils originated from gneiss located at mountainous. The soil loss according to soil catena linked with Songsan and Jigok series, which are soils originated from gneiss was calculated with $7.66ton\;ha^{-1}\;yr^{-1}$. The soil loss of Geumgang16, Byongsungcheon01, Daesincheon, Bukcheon02 which have the soil catena linked with Samgak and Sangju soil series originated from granite, was calculated with $5.55ton\;ha^{-1}\;yr^{-1}$. The soil loss of Youngsangang08 which have the soil catena linked with Songjung and Baeksan soil series originated from granite was calculated with $9.6ton\;ha^{-1}\;yr^{-1}$, but the conclusion on soil loss in this kind of soil catena would be drawn from the analysis of more catchments. In conclusion, the results of this study inform that the classification of soil catena by catchments and estimation of soil loss according to soil catena would be effective for analysis on the grade of non-point pollution by soil erosion in a catchment.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.26
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• pp.103-149
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• 2010

Documentation strategy has been experimented in various subject areas and local regions since late 1980's when it was proposed as archival appraisal and selection methods by archival communities in the United States. Though it was criticized to be too ideal, it needs to shed new light on the potentialities of the strategy for documenting local regions in digital environment. The purpose of this study is to analyse the implementation issues of documentation strategy and to suggest the directions for documenting local regions of Korea through the application of the strategy. The documentation strategy which was developed more than twenty years ago in mostly western countries gives us some implications for documenting local regions even in current digital environments. They are as follows; Firstly, documentation strategy can enhance the value of archivists as well as archives in local regions because archivist should be active shaper of history rather than passive receiver of archives according to the strategy. It can also be a solution for overcoming poor conditions of local archives management in Korea. Secondly, the strategy can encourage cooperation between collecting institutions including museums, libraries, archives, cultural centers, history institutions, etc. in each local region. In the networked environment the cooperation can be achieved more effectively than in traditional environment where the heavy workload of cooperative institutions is needed. Thirdly, the strategy can facilitate solidarity of various groups in local region. According to the analysis of the strategy projects, it is essential to collect their knowledge, passion, and enthusiasm of related groups to effectively implement the strategy. It can also provide a methodology for minor groups of society to document their memories. This study suggests the directions of documenting local regions in consideration of current archival infrastructure of Korean as follows; Firstly, very selective and intensive documentation should be pursued rather than comprehensive one for documenting local regions. Though it is a very political problem to decide what subject has priority for documentation, interests of local community members as well as professional groups should be considered in the decision-making process seriously. Secondly, it is effective to plan integrated representation of local history in the distributed custody of local archives. It would be desirable to implement archival gateway for integrated search and representation of local archives regardless of the location of archives. Thirdly, it is necessary to try digital documentation using Web 2.0 technologies. Documentation strategy as the methodology of selecting and acquiring archives can not avoid subjectivity and prejudices of appraiser completely. To mitigate the problems, open documentation system should be prepared for reflecting different interests of different groups. Fourth, it is desirable to apply a conspectus model used in cooperative collection management of libraries to document local regions digitally. Conspectus can show existing documentation strength and future documentation intensity for each participating institution. Using this, documentation level of each subject area can be set up cooperatively and effectively in the local regions.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.3
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• pp.96-119
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• 2015

This research has studied the changes of Gwi-po(轉角包) by taking the cases of China's medieval wooden buildings as objects. The purpose of the study is to examine the time-periodic transition process of Gwi-po through the cases of 71 wooden buildings which were built from Tang(唐) dynasty(AD 618~690 & 705~907) until Jin(金) dynasty(AD 1115~1234) and also designated as 'Major Historical and Cultural Sites Protected at the National Level'. This research has taken note of various frame types of Jwau-dae(左右隊), which are architectural components of Gwi-po, to study the changes and development process of Gwi-po. The results are as follows. An important factor in the transformations of Gwi-po format is the changes in perception of the craftsmen about Jwau-dae, who took charge in the building process. In the early periods, the principles of Yidou sanshen dougong(一斗三升) in constructing ancons of Gwi-po had been well-maintained, while there appeared many different types of Gwi-po in later periods, due to the usage of Jwau-dae and $Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭) in each Chulmok of Gwi-po. Transitional types of Gwi-po, which were evolved from the earlier ones, are divided into 3 categories by different forms of Jwau-dae, placed on odd number stages. The first one is 'none-$f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(無枋頭) type' of Song(AD 960~1127, 1127~1279) and Liao dynasty(AD 907~1125) buildings, which doesn't have $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s, for the reason that Jwau-dae(左右隊) is in direct contact with Gwihan-dae(耳限大). The second one is '$Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$ $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' of Song(AD 960~1127, 1127~1279) and Jin dynasty(AD 1115~1234), that has $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s of Jwau-dae(左右隊) identical to $Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭) in form. The last one is '$Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' of Jin(AD 1115~1234) and Yuan dynasty(AD 1271~1368), which has $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s of Jwau-dae identical to $Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) in form. The earlier forms of Gwi-po, which appeared between Tang dynasty(AD 618~690 & 705~907) and Five Dynasties periods(907~960) went through transitional forms of 'non-$f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(無枋頭) type', '$Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$ $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' and '$Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' and finally had its form settled between Yuan(元, AD 1271~1368) and Ming(明. AD 1368~1644) dynasty periods. In Liao(遼) dynasty period(AD 907~1125), as the buildings got bigger and the tendency of longer eave-exposure was implemented, there grew a certain need to structurally reinforce Gwi-po, on which load of the whole roof is concentrated. Especially, the transition from Tōuxīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(偸心造) style to Jì xīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(計心造) style in this period had a great influence on standardization of Gwi-po, along with None-${\acute{A}}ng$(無仰) style. Furthermore, Wing-type Gong(翼型?), which developed in Liao dynasty(AD 907~1125), is also thought to have had a great influence on the transition from Tōuxīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(偸心造) style to Jì xīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(計心造) style by changing the forms of Gongs(?), such as Gwi-po. However, unlike None-${\acute{A}}ng$(無仰) style, there occurred a gradual change from '$Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$ $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' to '$Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' of Gwi-po in $Xi{\grave{a}}$ ${\acute{a}}ng$ style.