• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.239-267
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• 2012

이 논문은 근대 민족국가 형성과 민족 공용어의 창출의 상관성을 염두에 두고 식민지기 버마에서 버마어가 어떠한 정치적, 사회적 환경 하에서 어떻게 공용어의 지위를 획득해나갔는지에 대해 주로 버마어 산문의 대중화라는 각도에서 분석한 것이다. 베네딕트 앤더슨의 연구가 시사하는 것처럼 근대적 인쇄매체의 출현과 더불어 근대 버마어의 등장 및 대중화는 버마의 근대적 민족 형성에 큰 영향을 미쳤다. 제1차 영국-버마 전쟁 종결 후, 정치, 사회, 경제적 상황 변화와 함께 인쇄산업의 발달과 더불어 버마어는 대중매체에서 공용어로서의 지위를 획득해갔다. 식민시기에 버마 내 여러 지역에 어학원이 설립되었고 버마인이 어학교육 담당자로 고용되었다. 1930년대 초반에 근대 버마어 산문이 많은 저자들에 의해 집필되었으며, 1930년대 후반에 들어서서 독자들 사이에서 널리 읽히는 호황을 누렸다. 일본군 점령 후에는 일본군 당국의 허가 하에 버마어는 제2차 세계대전 중에 공식적 언어로서 인정되었다. 이러한 바탕 위에 근대 버마어는 1947년 헌법에 버마의 공식 언어로 명기되었다. 이러한 과정에 대한 분석을 통해 이 논문에서는 버마어가 식민지기에 표준어로서의 지위를 획득하고 그 버마어로 작성된 근대 버마어 산문의 사용이 버마의 민족 형성과정에서 결정적인 역할을 하였다는 점을 부각시켰다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.47
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• pp.50-73
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• 2009

A tendency to ignore the existence of public space in Korea under the Japanese colonial period seems to be driven from nationalist historiography in which all historical events under the colonial power have to be interpreted in terms of militant controls and resistances against them. Historical approach to mass media of that period has lasted to be saturated with the tendency and forced history students to stick to the nationalist guidelines. Struggles against Japanese imperial power by national-capital-operated newspaper have been a main menu of studies on the period's communication. The media were often hailed as fighting the colonial power for nation's independence. The present thesis aims to criticize the nationalist point of view and to reveal that nationalist interpretations may miss a variety of historical information. Even under the severe surveillance of colonial police some journalists tried either to inform officially or to smuggle into informed groups. The colonized society could experienced fields of public-ness throughout the practices of such as media fields, cultural fields, political fields. Those fields, of course, didn't come from the graceful favor of the colonial power but from the construction of the colonized. The public-ness seemed to be born for the easiness of control, but became later a constructed field of public-ness with which the colonized semiotically wrestled the power and grew a modern type of political (un)consciousness. Depicting what happened just before 815 liberation day in Korea the present paper showed that the less nationalist historiography can render help to those seeking political practices of the colonized in a micro-level.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.44 no.8
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• pp.143-150
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• 2006

Life Science or Home Economics has its own history of scholarship. In South Korea, the School of Home Economics was regarded as the best school of 'producing best brides' in the early stage of its academic history. Since the 1980s when South Korean society went through a speedy economic growth with development of culture and service industry, the school was transformed to educating highly professional career women in the field of industry which deals with everyday lives. As an applied science in nature, the school of Home Economics has had a heavy emphasis on engineering the familial and social life. It also has heavily depended on imported theories and statistical researches. In the crisis of familial and social disintergration, the role of School of Home Economics needs to be redefined. Reexamination of the premises of Home Economics and methodology is necessary. Decolonializaton of the scholarship in the changed condition of global capitalism is particularly urgent in the late modern era of reflexion.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.130
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• pp.381-414
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• 2014

This paper aims to elaborate on the foundation of the colonialism, which comes from Natural Laws by John Locke and the extermination of the indigenous. John Locke develops his political doctrines considering Natural Laws as the logical, metaphysical supposition. He assumes Natural Laws to be the logical presupposition, but is interested in North America. This is evidently seen in his works according to research outcomes. His 'possessive individualism' discusses exclusion and extermination, on the bound of natural laws and natural state. The person without possessive rights is excluded, the people without effective farming is forfeited. Then acculturation is the justifying of slavery and suggestive of extermination. In the possessive individualism of bourgeois society, that is, private property, man is annulled aboard. That is colonialism comes from, which destroys all the cultures but its own cultures. It is Locke who is the first thinker of the imperial. In the thought of Locke found we in profane terminology projected for the world imperial. After Locke, colonialism has been appeared in the guise of racism in the eighteen century, especially in the universal history of system of philosophy, sometimes in the face of orientalism on all sides. The ideas of colonialism and imperialism have been absolutely for the West. In the totally administered society nowadays, the hope of redemption has been made impossible from the origin. From the beneath, operated and practiced the program of deletion of race, its ethnic cleansing is a mere case. Locke's thought for the human rights is consisted of property and freedom in mankind, but it ground baits for its bloodied symposium with words and consults. 'Our word is our weapon', this is wording of one ethnic that is in nearing extermination.

• Journal of North-East Asian Cultures
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• v.28
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• pp.339-363
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• 2011

This thesis examines analyzing how historic knowledge was shaped in museum. Examining by Tokyo Imperial Museum, Government General Museum of Taiwan, Yi Wang Ga Museum, Government General Museum of Chosun, and NanTong Museum of late 19th and early 20th century, tried to find out similarities and differences. These museums are similar in that they adopt museums as modern system considering models of other countries(Europe or Japan) and exhibitions played important roles in gathering relics. Experts who leaded adoption of western civilization played an important role. These experts were conservatives who valued tradition and relics while they aimed for western civilization. It originated in the character of museum system. Historical Knowledge by museums was constituted with five combinations of conceptions which are nationality, locality, coloniality, and artistry. Every museum cannot help having modernity for museum itself is modern system. Modernity was symbolized by museum building of western style in Yi Wang Ga Museum, Government General Museum of Chosun. Tokyo Imperial Museum revealed nationality in that it tried building of imperial history which includes colonies. In early time, Tokyo Imperial Museum pursued modernity and artistry, however it concentrated on artistry than modernity later. We can find locality in that Tokyo Imperial Museum tried to find meaning about Japanese art by relating with natural characteristics. It is Taiwan Governor Museum that extremely expressed coloniality and artistry was not considered. Government General Museum of Chosun could not be exceptions of features of coloniality, but it need to recognize that artistry was focused all over the exhibitions. It was NanTong Museum that most directly expressed locality. Like these, Museums of East Asia established in around 1900 made different historical knowledge by varying weigh of five factors, nationality, locality, modernity, coloniality and artistry.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.27-34
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• 2015

The tasks of writing history is to reconstruct the past in order to understand the present condition and to envision the future. Modern architectural histories in the west have assumed this role, from Winckelmann to Giedion. Likewise, history of Korean modern architecture has to serve this purpose. However, existing histories of Korean modern architecture simply list up stylistic changes from western eclectic architecture to modernism without any historical narratives explaining the transition from Korean traditional architecture to modern architecture. History of Korean modern architecture has simply been understood as a unilateral process of transplantation of western architecture into Korea. This paper points out two major problems underlying this kind of historiography of Korean modern architecture. The one is formalistic approach which sees history of modern architecture mainly as a process of formal and stylistic changes. The other is humanistic approach which sees modern architects as agents of history. This paper argues that this kind of history writings has limitations since modernity of Korean architecture is fundamentally different from that of the west. and that specific tasks that Korean modern architectural history has to address are then two folds;(re)connecting the past architectural tradition to the present and forming self-identity of Korean architecture.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.458-466
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• 2015

This article aims at examining Japanese recognition of Korea through analyzing the Japanese language textbooks of Japan, in order to find how Japanese people perceived Korea in the first half of the 20th century. I explored descriptions related to Korea in the Japanese language textbooks published in the 1st curriculum (1904) to the 5th curriculum (1945). In this period, the Japanese language textbooks were serving in allowing Korea to be associated Queen Jin Goo and Toyotomi Hideyoshi, Korean custom and Korean landscape of Seoul and rural area. They designated Korea was a small and weak country through the stories of Queen Jin Goo and Toyotomi Hideyoshi. Although they introduced Korean floor heating system, Korean costume, and Korean ritual, they reinforced Korea was a backward country through representing undeveloped transportation facilities and unsanitary living conditions. They characterized the coloniality of Korea through portraying modern buildings created by Japan on Seoul streets. Furthermore, they induced assimilation of Japan and Korea through the story of Korean rural areas.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.143
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• pp.119-140
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• 2017

After the collapse of the Cold War, there was a shift in perception at two points in discussions on Korean unification. The real core issue of unification is first, that it is a shift in perception that the real problem of unification is not the integration of systems, but the integration of people. Second, there is a shift in perception that there are many Koreans in the four major powers related to the Korean division and their distribution is associated with the tragic history of the Korean Peninsula. The historical trauma of Korean people resulted from the oppression of the collective libido of Koreans, stemming from the pain of modern history of the Korean Peninsula. In addition, the trauma of colonization, diaspora, and division all share the structure of suppression as the '$nation{\neq}states$'. Thus, unification aims to overcome the notion that '$nation{\neq}state$' can not be separated from the process of healing the historical trauma of Koreans. First of all, this article argues that in order to achieve unification on the Korean peninsula, it requires the process of healing the traumas of colonization, diaspora, and division. Second, this paper claims that Korean unification is not only a matter of two countries, but also of making peace by healing historical trauma in Northeast Asia. Third, this paper argues that the healing of Korean's historical trauma should begin with 'sympathy' for pain and proceed to the production of a 'national commonality' through 'communication of difference', which will create a unified peninsula.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.22
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• pp.73-98
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• 2011

This study has as a object to investigate some various meanings of the discourses of postdevelopment of Arturo Escobar with the respect of the social movements of the indigenous and the afro-colombians in the area of the Pacific Coast of Colombia. The ideological lines of Escobar go around the group of critical discourse Modernity/(De)coloniality whose thesis lies on revealing the coloniality as principal elements of the modernity from the XVI century until now culminating in the neoliberal globalization. In another words, they try to seek for the alternative globalization based on the autonomy of the people who has been alienated for long time as 'others' by the eurocentrism of the power and the knowledge and on the equality of the cultural differences o the cosmovisions in Latin America. Escobar concentrates on the fact that the neoliberal regime would turn the nature into the environment considered as the resources for example the traditional knowledges of biodiversity of the indigenous as the capital of the pharmaceutical companies through the patents. However, the indigenous and the afro-colombians have fought fiercely to have them be maintained as a colective right of the possession not only to guard the economic interests but also their proper cultural traditions and the way of life based on the social solidarity of reciprocal care instead of the occidental individualism. This corresponds not only to the social relations but between the nature and the human society. And so, Arturo Escobar interprets these movements not only to defend the places but to express the cosmovisions of Postdevelopment further more the modern paradigm of nation-state.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.67 no.2
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• pp.161-181
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• 2015

This article tries to identify the regulating mechanism of the welfare states on the private spheres of individuals and families. When the welfare state is to be understood as an institutional arrangement which is based upon the 'modernity', the reflectivity on the welfare state is about to be on the modernity and on the institutions as well. Authors assume the welfare state as an historical and developmental type of modern states. The critical components of modernity embedded in birth and growth of modern welfare states projected to their institutions are identified. Welfare states dissociates the political dynamics which have built the foundation of the welfare state itself, and faces against the new political dynamics of the individualized society. Finally, welfare state confronts the institution failure due to its intrinsic characteristics, and consequently individuals and families come across the institution dependency. Individuals in the overly rationalized spheres are being depoliticized, and they are identified themselves as the subjects of status-struggles of the institutions other than the subjects of the political dynamics of welfare states.