• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.51 no.4
• /
• pp.4-23
• /
• 2018

Seo Byeong-o (徐丙五, 1862-1936) played a central role in the formation of the Daegu artistic community-which advocated artistic styles combining poetry, calligraphy and painting-during the Japanese colonial period, when the introduction of the Western concept of 'art' led to the adoption of Japanese and Western styles of painting in Korea. Seo first entered the world of calligraphy and painting after meeting Lee Ha-eung (李昰應, 1820-1898) in 1879, but his career as a scholar-artist only began in earnest after Korea was annexed by Japan in 1910. Seo's oeuvre can be broadly divided into three periods. In his initial period of learning, from 1879 to 1897, his artistic activity was largely confined to copying works from Chinese painting albums and painting works in the "Four Gentlemen" genre, influenced by the work of Lee Ha-eung, in his spare time. This may have been because Seo's principal aim at this time was to further his career as a government official. His subsequent period of development, which lasted from 1898 until 1920, saw him play a leading social role in such areas as the patriotic enlightenment movement until 1910, after which he reoriented his life to become a scholar-artist. During this period, Seo explored new styles based on the orchid paintings of Min Yeong-ik (閔泳翊, 1860-1914), whom he met during his second trip to Shanghai, and on the bamboo paintings of Chinese artist Pu Hua (蒲華, 1830-1911). At the same time, he painted in various genres including landscapes, flowers, and gimyeong jeolji (器皿折枝; still life with vessels and flowers). In his final mature period, from 1921 to 1936, Seo divided his time between Daegu and Seoul, becoming a highly active calligrapher and painter in Korea's modern art community. By this time his unique personal style, characterized by broad brush strokes and the use of abundant ink in orchid and bamboo paintings, was fully formed. Records on, and extant works from, Seo's early period are particularly rare, thus confining knowledge of his artistic activities and painting style largely to the realm of speculation. In this respect, eleven recently revealed nanjukseok (蘭竹石圖; orchid, bamboo and rock) paintings, produced by Seo in 1889, provide important clues about the origins and standards of his early-period painting style. This study uses a comparative analysis to confirm that Seo's orchid paintings show the influence of the early gunran (群蘭圖; orchid) and seongnan (石蘭圖; rock and orchid) paintings produced by Lee Ha-eung before his arrest by Qing troops in July 1882. Seo's bamboo paintings appear to show both that he adopted the style of Zheng Xie (鄭燮, 1693-1765) of the Yangzhou School (揚州畵派), a style widely known in Seoul from the late eighteenth century onward, and of Heo Ryeon (許鍊, 1809-1892), a student of Joseon artist Kim Jeong-hui (金正喜,1786-1856), and that he attempted to apply a modified version of Lee Ha-eung's seongnan painting technique. It was not possible to find other works by Seo evincing a direct relationship with the curious rocks depicted in his 1889 paintings, but I contend that they show the influence of both the late-nineteenth-century-Qing rock painter Zhou Tang (周棠, 1806-1876) and the curious rock paintings of the middle-class Joseon artist Jeong Hak-gyo (丁學敎, 1832-1914). In conclusion, this study asserts that, for his 1889 nanjukseok paintings, Seo Byeong-o adopted the styles of contemporary painters such as Heo Ryeon and Jeong Hak-gyo, whom he met during his early period at the Unhyeongung through his connection with its occupant, Lee Ha-eung, and those of artists such as Zheng Xie and Zhou Tang, whose works he was able to directly observe in Korea.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.44 no.1
• /
• pp.196-221
• /
• 2011

The Royal Private Shrines or the Samyo(私廟), were dedicated to members of Choseon's royal family who could not be enshrined at the (official) Royal Ancestral Shrine, the Jongmyo(宗廟). The Samyo were constructed at the national level and were systematically managed as such. Because these private Shrines were dedicated to those who couldn't belong to the Jongmyo but were still very important, such as the ruling king's biological father or mother. The details of all royal constructions were included in the State Event Manuals, and with them, the two-dimensional layouts of the Samyo also. From the remaining "Hyunsa-gung Private Tomb Construction Layout Record(顯思宮別廟營建都監儀軌)" of 1824, which is the construction record of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine(景祐宮) dedicated to Subin, the mother of King Sunjo(純祖), it became possible to investigate the so far unknown "The Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine", in terms of the year produced, materials used and other situational contexts. The investigation revealed that the "The Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine" is actually the "Hyunsa-gung Private Tomb Layout" produced by the Royal Construction Bureau. The bureau painted this to build Hyunsa-gung Private Shrine in a separately prepared site outside the court in 1824, according to the royal verdict to close down and move the temporary shrine inside the courtyard dedicated to Subin who had passed away in 1822. As the Construction Bureau must have also produced the Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine Layout, the painter(s) of this layout should exist among the official artists listed in the State Event Manual, but sadly, as their paintings have not survived to this day, we cannot compare their painting styles. The biggest stylistic character of the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is its perfect diagonal composition method and detailed and neat portrayalof the many palace buildings, just as seen in Donggwoldo(東闕圖, Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). A well-perceiving architectural painting employs a specific point of view chosen to fit the purpose of the painting, or it can opt to the multi-viewpoint. Korean traditional architectural paintings in early ages utilized the diagonal composition method, the bird-eye viewpoint, or the multi-viewpoint. By the 18th century, detailed but also artistic architectural paintings utilizing the diagonal method are observed. In the early 19th century, the peak of such techniques is exhibited in Donggwoldo(Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). From the perfect diagonal composition method employed and the details of the palace buildings numbering almost two hundreds, we can determine that the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine also belongs to the same category of the highly technical architectural paintings as Donggwoldo(Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). We can also confirm this hypothesis by comparing the painting techniques employed in these two paintings in detailthe way trees and houses are depicted, and the way ground texture is expressed, etc. The unique characteristic of the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is, however, that the area surrounding the central shrine building(正堂), the most important area of the shrine, is drawn using not the diagonal method but the bird-eye viewpoint with the buildings lying flat on both the left and right sides, just as seen in the "Buildings Below the Central Shrine(正堂以下諸處)" in the State Event Manual's Painting Method section. The same viewpoint method is discovered in some other concurrent paintings of common residential buildings, so it is not certain that this particular viewpoint had been a distinctive feature for shrine paintings in general. On the other hand, when the diagonalmethod pointing to the left direction is chosen, the top-left and bottom-right sections of the painting become inevitably empty. This has been the case for the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine, but in contrast, Donggwoldo shows perfect screen composition with these empty margins filled up with different types of trees and other objects. Such difference is consistent with the different situational contexts of these two paintings: the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is a simple single-sheet painting, while Donggwoldo is a perfected work of painting book given an official title. Therefore, if Donggwoldo was produced to fulfill the role of depiction and documentation as well as the aesthetic purpose, contrastingly, the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine only served the purpose of copying the circumstances of the architecture and projecting them onto the painting.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.38 no.4
• /
• pp.58-67
• /
• 2020

The present study was conducted as part of basic research for selecting species of street trees with historical value in Seoul. It also made up a list of traditional landscape trees for a variety of alternatives. The following results are shown below. As to the history of street trees in Korea, records on to-be-estimated street trees are found in historical documents written in King Yangwon during the second year of Goguryeo Dynasty (546) and King Myeongjong during 27 year of Goryeo (1197). However, it is assumed that lack of clarity is found in historical records. During the 23 year of King Sejong in the early Joseon Dynasty (1441), the record showed that the state planted street trees as guideposts on the postal road. The records revealed that Ulmus spp. and Salix spp. were planted as guidance trees. The street tree system was performed in the early Joseon Dynasty as recorded in the first year of King Danjong document. Pinus densiflora, Pinus koraiensis, Pyrus pyrifolia var. culta, Castanea crenata, Styphnolobium japonicum and Salix spp. were planted along the avenue at both left and right sides. Morus alba were planted on streets during the five year of King Sejo (1459). As illustrated in pieces Apgujeong by painter Jeongseon and Jinheonmajeongsaekdo in the reign of King Yeongjo, street trees were planted. This arrangement is associated with a number of elements such as king procession, major entrance roads in Seoul, place for horse markets, prevention of roads from flood and indication. In the reign of King Jeongjo, there are many cases related to planting Pinus densiflora, Abies holophylla and Salix spp. for king procession. Turning king roads and related areas into sanctuaries is considered as technique for planting street trees. During the 32 year of King Gojong after opening ports (1985), the state promoted planting trees along both sides of roads. At the time, many Populus davidiana called white poplars were planted as rapidly growing street trees. There are 17 taxa in the Era of Three Kingdoms records, 31 taxa in Goryeo Dynasty records and 55 taxa in Joseon Dynasty records, respectively, described in historical documents to be available for being planted as street trees in Seoul. 16 taxa are recorded in three periods, which are Era of Three Kingdoms, Goryeo Dynasty and Joseon Dynasty. These taxa can be seen as relatively excellent ones in terms of historical value. The introduction of alien plants and legal improvement in the Japanese colonial period resulted in modernization of street tree planting system. Under the six-year street tree planting plan (1934-1940) implemented as part of expanding metropolitan areas outside the capital launched in 1936, four major street trees of top 10 taxa were a Populus deltoides, Populus nigra var. italica, Populus davidiana, Populus alba. The remaining six trees were Salix babylonica, Robinia pseudoacacia, platanus orientalis, Platanus occidentalis, Ginkgo biloba, and Acer negundo. Beginning in the mid- and late 1930s, platanus orientalis, Platanus occidentalis were introduced into Korea as new taxa of street trees and planted in many regions. Beginning on 1942, Ailanthus altissima was recommended as street trees for the purpose of producing silks. In 1957 after liberation, major street tree taxa included Platanus occidentalis, Ginkgo biloba, Populus nigra var. italica, Ailanthus altissima, Populus deltoides and Salix babylonica. The rank of major street tree species planted in the Japanese colonial period had changed. Tree planting trend around that period primarily representing Platanus occidentalis and Ginkgo biloba still holds true until now.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
• /
• v.98
• /
• pp.176-199
• /
• 2020

In 2018, the National Museum of Korea purchased a pair of Japanese folding screens, respectively entitled Gathering on the Year's First "Day of the Rat" and Boating on the Oi River. Both of these two screens (hereinafter collectively referred to as the "NMK edition") have a gold background that bears the seal and ink inscription of Tosa Mitsuyoshi (1700-1772), who served as edokoro azukari, a painter in the court of Kyoto. According to the seller in New York, the screens were brought from Japan to the United States in the early twentieth century, but no other details are known. Each folding screen has six panels. The screen on the right (i.e., Gathering…) depicts "nenohi no asobi," an annual event conducted on the first "day of the rat" (according to the Asian zodiacal calendar), wherein the Kyoto imperial court ventured to the woods to gather pine seedlings. The left screen (i.e., Boating…) shows three boats traveling down the Oi River in Kyoto, representing the ritual known as "mifune" (literally, "three boats"), which involves three boats representing Chinese classical poetry (kansi), Japanese classical poetry (waka), and Japanese imperial music and dance (gagaku). Notably, these two screens are identical in theme and iconography to two screens with the same respective titles that were commissioned by Emperor Komei (1831-1867) and painted by Ukita Ikkei (1795-1859), an artist of the Yamato-e Revivalist School (fukko yamato-e), now in the collection of Sennyu-ji Temple in Kyoto (hereinafter collectively referred to as the "Sennyu edition"). While both of these themes have been painted independently numerous times, the NMK edition and Sennyu edition are the only known cases of the themes being painted as a single set. According to Diary of Official Business Between the Court and Shogunate (the journal of a court official named Hirohashi Kanetane, 1715-1781), Tosa Mitsuyoshi was commissioned in 1760 to replace the fusuma (rectangular sliding panels) of Tsunegoten, one of the buildings of the Kyoto Imperial Palace, which had been built in 1709. Notably, records show that Tsunegoten once contained a series of fusuma painted by an artist of the Kano school on the themes "Outdoor Procession on a Spring Day" and "Three Boats Cruising on the Oi River." Hence, it seems probable that Tosa Mitsuyoshi was influenced by the theme and iconography of the existing fusuma in producing his own folding screens depicting the court's visit to the forest and a cruise on the Oi River. While the practice of collecting pine seedlings on the first "rat day" of the year was an auspicious event to pray for longevity, the mifune ritual was intended to honor the greatest talents of the three aforementioned arts, which were of crucial importance to the court of Kyoto. Folding screens with such auspicious themes were commonly featured at the ceremony to enthrone the emperor or empress. Significantly, the Diary of Official Business Between the Court and Shogunate also records that Tosa Mitsuyoshi, while working as a court artist, produced two pairs of folding screens for the coronation of Empress Go Sakuramachi (1762-1771), which was held in 1763. Hence, research suggests that the NMK edition is one of the pairs of royal folding screens produced at that time.

• The Journal of Korean Society for Radiation Therapy
• /
• v.34
• /
• pp.21-30
• /
• 2022

Purpose: The purpose of this study is to evaluate the effectiveness of oral positioning stent, the BinkieRT^TM in radiation treatment for head and neck cancer patients in terms of tongue positions reproducibility, tongue doses and material properties. Materials and Methods: 24 cases using BinkieRT^TM during radiation treatments were enrolled. The tongue was contoured on planning CT and CBCT images taken every 3 days during treatment, and then the DSC and center of tongue shift values were analyzed to evaluate the reproducibility of the tongue. The tongue dose was compared in terms of dose distribution when using BinkieRT^TM and different type of oral stents (mouthpiece, paraffin wax). Randomly selected respective 10 patients were measured tongue doses of initial treatment plan for nasal cavity and unilateral parotid cancer. Finally, In terms of material evaluation, HU and relative electron density were identified in RTPS. Results: As a result of DSC analysis, it was 0.8 ± 0.07, skewness -0.8, kurtosis 0.61, and 95% CI was 0.79~0.82. To analyze the deviation of the central tongue shift during the treatment period, a 95% confidence interval for shift in the LR, SI, and AP directions were indicated, and a one-sample t-test for 0, which is an ideal value in the deviation(n=144). As a result of the t-test, the mean and SD in the LR and SI directions were 0.01 ± 0.14 cm (p→.05), 0.03 ± 0.25 cm (p→.05), and -0.08 ± 0.25 cm (p ←.05) in the AP direction. In the case of unilateral parotid cancer patients, the Dmean to the tongue of patients using BinkieRT^TM was 16.92% ± 3.58% compared to the prescribed dose, and 23.99% ± 10.86% of patients with Paraffin Wax, indicating that the tongue dose was relatively lower when using BinkieRT^TM (p←.05). On the other hand, among nasal cavity cancer patients, the Dmean of tongue dose for patients who used BinkieRT^TM was 4.4% ± 5.6%, and for those who used mouthpiece, 5.9% ± 6.8%, but it was not statistically significant (p→.05). The relative electron density of Paraffin Wax, BinkieRT^TM and Putty is 0.94, 0.99, 1.26 and the mass density is 0.95, 0.99 and 1.32 (g/cc), Transmission Factor is 0.99, 0.98, 0.96 respectively. Conclusion: The result of the tongue DSC analysis over the treatment period was about 0.8 and Deviation of the center of tongue shifts were within 0.2 cm, the reproducibility was more likely excellent. In the case of unilateral head and neck cancer patients, it was found that the use of BinkieRT^TM rather than Paraffin Wax or Putty can reduce the unnecessary dose irradiated to the tongue. This study might be useful to understand of BinkieRT^TM's properties and advantages. And also it could be another considered option as oral stent to keep the reproducibility of tongue and reducing dose during head and neck radiation treatments.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
• /
• no.46
• /
• pp.195-237
• /
• 2014

Palsapum are ornaments to reveal the purpose of commander of three naval forces as well as symbols to remember the greatness of admiral Yi, Sun-Shin. In 1966, ther were designated as a treasure No. 440 based on their value; however, they have not received attention from academia because they are relics from China. This study compares and analyzes the document, paintings, and relevant references from Korea and China focusing on Palsapum, understands their formal characteristics, and examines their historical value such as years and location of creation. As a result, the study determines five of them are original, but three of them were newly created by the later generations. The five, Dodogin (都督印, Commander's seal)·Yeongpae (令牌, Commander's tablet)·Gwido (鬼刀, Replica of the devil sword)·Chamdo (斬刀, Replica of the decapitation swor d)·and Gognapal (bugle) were created by Ming Dynasty before 1598, and delivered by the hands of General Chen Lin. The other three, Dokjeongi (督戰 旗, Battle flag)·Hongsoryeonggi (紅小令旗, Commander's flag)·and Namsoryeonggi (藍小令旗, Commander's flag), were created in 19th century by Joseon Dynasty. After analysis on the former relics, the study determines that they are not official relics with the dignity of Ming Dynasty but personal relics with regional characteristics; in other words, Palsamun are not the royal gifts from Emperor Shenzong to Admiral Yi, Sun-Shin. but personal momentoes left by General Chen Lin in the Tongjeyoung to celebrate the admiral. The names, variety, numbers, and appurtenances of Palsapum have been changed with time as follows. First, the scholars of Jeseon in 17the century only focused on Dodogin. It was certainly created in Ming Dynasty; however, it was a personal stamp, so considered to be not from the emperor but from General Chen Lin. Second, Palsapum was called Palsamul and consisted of 14 pieces of 8 kinds in 18the century, ; it is confirmed on the 「Dosul(圖說, stories with pictures of」 『Yi Chungmugong Literary Collection』 The sizes of five relics including Dodogin are similar to the records, but their patterns and shapes are exotic, or cannot be found in Joseon. Thus, they reflect the regional characteristics of Guangdong province. Third, they were called Palsapum, and consisted on 15 pieces of 8 kinds in 19th century; it is confirmed on , a sixteen-fold folding screen drawn by Shin, Gwan-Ho in 1861. The stamp box, tablet bag, and three flags were newly created to engrave Joseon style letters and patterns on damageable materials such as leather and cloth. The relics easy to be destroyed have been renewed even after 19th century. Last, there are many misunderstandings about Palsapum by governmental indifference and improper management of records even though they were designated as a treasure in very early times. Thus, authorities should be concerned with Palsapum to provide the measures for stable maintenance of the relics; this will let people remember not only the history of cooperation between Korea and China to stop the Japanese ambition, but also Admiral Yi, Sun-Shin and General Chen Lin to bring victory in Japanese invasions of Korea.

• Food preservation and processing industry
• /
• v.8 no.2
• /
• pp.6-12
• /
• 2009

면역반응은 외부 감염원으로부터 신체를 보호하고 외부감염원을 제거하고자 하는 주요항상성 유지기전의 하나이다. 이들 반응은 골수에서 생성되고 비장, 흉선 및 임파절 등에서 성숙되는 면역세포들에 의해 매개된다. 보통 태어나면서부터 얻어진 선천성 면역반응을 매개하는 대식세포, 수지상 세포 등과, 오랜기간 동안 감염된 다양한 면역원에 대한 경험을 토대로 얻어진 획득성 면역을 담당하는 T 임파구 등이 대표적인 면역세포로 알려져 있다. 다양한 면역질환이 최근 주요 사망률의 원인이 되고 있다. 최근, 암, 당뇨 및 뇌혈관질환 등이 생체에서 발생되는 급 만성염증에 의해 발생된다고 보고됨에 따라 면역세포 매개성 염증질환에 대한 치료제 개발을 서두르고 있다. 또한 암환자의 급격한 증가는 암발생의 주요 방어기전인 면역력 증강에 대한 요구들을 가중시키고 있다. 예로부터 사용되어 오던 고려인삼과 홍삼은 기를 보호하고 원기를 회복하는 명약으로 알려진 대표적인 우리나라 천연생약이다. 특별히, 홍삼은 단백질과 핵산의 합성을 촉진시키고, 조혈작용, 간기능 회복, 혈당강하, 운동수행 능력증대, 기억력 개선, 항피로작용 및 면역력 증대에 매우 효과가 좋은 것으로 보고되고 있다. 홍삼에 관한 많은 연구에 비해, 현재까지 홍삼이 면역력 증강에 미치는 효과에 대한 분자적 수준에서의 연구는 매우 미미한 것으로 확인되어져 있다. 홍삼의 투여는 NK 세포나 대식세포의 활성이 증가하고 항암제의 암세포 사멸을 증가시키는 것으로 확인되어졌다. 현재까지 알려진 주요 면역증강 성분은 산성다당류로 보고되었다. 또 한편으로 일부 진세노사이드류에서 항염증 효능이 확인되어졌으며, 이를 통해 피부염증 반응과 관절염에 대한 치료 효과가 있는 것으로 추측되고 있다 [본 연구는 KT&G 연구출연금 (2009-2010) 지원을 받아 이루어졌기에 이에 감사드린다]. 면역반응은 외부 감염물질의 침입으로 유도된 질병환경을 제거하고 수복하는 중요한 생체적 방어작용의 하나이다. 이들 과정은 체내로 유입된 미생물이나 미세화학물질들과 같은 독성물질을 소거하거나 파괴하는 것을 주요 역할로 한다. 외부로 부터 인체에 들어온 이물질에 대한 방어기전은 현재 두 가지 종류의 면역반응으로 구분해서 설명한다. 즉, 선천성 면역 반응 (innate immunity)과 후천성 면역 반응 (adaptive immunity)이 그것이다. 선천성 면역반응은 1) 피부나 점막의 표면과 같은 해부학적인 보호벽 구조와 2) 체온과 낮은 pH 및 chemical mediator (리소자임, collectin류) 등과 같은 생리적 방어구조, 3) phagocyte류 (대식세포, 수지상세포 및 호중구 등)에 의한 phagocytic/endocytic 방어, 그리고 4) 마지막으로 염증반응을 통한 감염에 저항하는 면역반응 등으로 구분된다. 후천성 면역반응은 획득성면역이라고도 불리고 특이성, 다양성, 기억 및 자기/비자기의 인식이라는 네 가지의 특징을 가지고 있으며, 외부 유입물질을 제거하는 반응에 따라 체액성 면역 반응 (humoral immune response)과 세포성 면역반응 (cell-mediated immune response)으로 구분된다. 체액성 면역은 침입한 항원의 구조 특이적으로 생성된 B cell 유래 항체와의 반응과 간이나 대식세포 등에서 합성되어 분비된 혈청내 보체 등에 의해 매개되는 반응으로 구성되어 있다. 세포성 면역반응은 T helper cell (CD4+), cytotoxic T cell (CD8+), B cell 및antigen presenting cell 중개를 통한 세포간 상호 작용에 의해 발생되는 면역반응이다. 선천성 면역반응의 하나인 염증은 우리 몸에서 가장 빈번히 발생되고 있는 방어작용의 하나이다. 예를 들면 감기에 걸렸을 경우, 환자의 편도선내 대식세포나 수지상세포류는 감염된 바이러스 단독 혹은 동시에 감염된 박테리아를 상대로 다양한 염증성 반응을 유도하게 된다. 또한, 상처가 생겼을 경우에도 감염원을 통해 유입된 병원성 세균과 주위조직내 선천성 면역담당 세포들 간의 면역학적 전투가 발생되게 된다. 이들 과정을 통해, 주위 세포나 조직이 손상되면, 즉각적으로 이들 면역세포들 (주로 phagocytes류)은 신속하게 손상을 극소화하고 더 나가서 손상된 부위를 원상으로 회복시키려는 일련의 염증반응을 유도하게 된다. 이들 반응은 우리가 흔히 알고 있는 발적 (redness), 부종 (swelling), 발열 (heat), 통증 (pain) 등의 증상으로 나타나게 된다. 즉, 손상된 부위 주변에 존재하는 모세혈관에 흐르는 혈류의 양이 증가하면서 혈관의 직경이 늘어나게 되고, 이로 인한 조직의 홍반과, 부어 오른 혈관에 의해 발열과 부종이 초래되는 것이다. 확장된 모세혈관의 투과성 증가는 체액과 세포들이 혈관에서 조직으로 이동하게 하는 원동력이 되고, 이를 통해 축적된 삼출물들은 단백질의 농도를 높여, 최종적으로 혈관에 존재하는 체액들이 조직으로 더 많이 이동되도록 유도하여 부종을 형성시킨다. 마지막으로 혈관 내 존재하는 면역세포들은 혈판 내벽에 점착되고 (margination), 혈관벽의 간극을 넓히는 역할을 하는 히스타민 (histamine)이나 일산화질소(nitric oxide : NO), 프로스타그린딘 (prostagladins : PGE2) 및 류코트리엔 (leukotriens) 등과 같은 chemical mediator의 도움으로 인해 혈관벽 사이로 삼출하게 되어 (extravasation), 손상된 부위로 이동하여 직접적인 외부 침입 물질의 파괴나 다른 면역세포들을 모으기 위한 cytokine (tumor necrosis factor [TNF]-$\alpha$, interleukin [IL]-1, IL-6 등) 혹은 chemokine (MIP-l, IL-8, MCP-l등)의 분비 등을 수행함으로써 염증반응을 매개하게 된다. 염증과정시 발생되는 여러 mediator 중 PGE2나 NO 및 TNF-$\alpha$ 등은 실험적 평가가 용이하여 이들 mediator 자체나 생성관련효소 (cyclooxygenase [COX] 및 nitric oxide synthase [NOS] 등)들은 현재항염증 치료제의 개발 연구시 주요 표적으로 연구되고 있다. 염증 반응은 지속기간에 따라 크게 급성염증과 만성염증으로 나뉘며, 삼출물의 종류에 따라서는 장액성, 섬유소성, 화농성 및 출혈성 염증 등으로 구분된다. 급성 염증 (acute inflammation)반응은 수일 내지 수주간 지속되는 일반적인 염증반응이라고 볼 수 있다. 국소반응은 기본징후인 발열과 발적, 부종, 통증 및 기능 상실이 특징적이며, 현미경적 소견으로는 혈관성 변화와 삼출물 형성이 주 작용이므로 일명 삼출성 염증이라고 한다. 만성 염증 (chronic inflammation)은, 급성 염증으로부터 이행되거나 만성으로 시작된다. 염증지속 기간은 보통 4주 이상 장기화 된다. 보통 염증의 경우에는 염증 생성 cytokine인 Th1 cytokine (IL-2, interferone [IFN]-$\gamma$ 및 TNF-$\alpha$ 등)의 생성 후, 거의 즉각적으로 항 염증성 cytokine인 Th2 cytokine(IL-4, IL-6, IL-10 및 transforming growth factor [TGF]-$\beta$ 등)이 생성되어 정상반응으로 회복된다. 그러나, 어떤 원인에서든 면역세포에 의한 염증원 제거 반응이 문제가 되면, 만성염증으로 진행된다. 이 반응에 주로 작용을 하는 염증세포로는 단핵구와 대식세포, 림프구, 형질세포 등이 있다. 암은 전세계적으로 사망률 1위의 원인이 되는 면역질환의 하나이다. 산화적 스트레스나 자외선 조사 혹은 암유발 물질들에 의해 염색체내 protooncogene, tumor-suppressor gene 혹은 DNA repairing gene의 일부 DNA의 돌연변이 혹은 결손 등이 발행되면 정상세포는 암화과정을 시작하게 된다. 양성세포 수준에서 약 5에서 10여년 후 악성수준의 암세포가 생성되게 되면 이들 세포는 새로운 환경을 찾아 전이하게 되는데 이를 통해 암환자들은 다양한 장기에 동인 오리진의 암세포들이 생성한 종양들을 가지게 된다. 이들 종양세포는 정상 장기의 기능을 손상시켜며 결국 생명을 잃게 만든다. 이들 염색체 수준에서의 돌연변이 유래 암세포는 거의 대부분이 체내 면역시스템에 의해 사멸되는 것으로 알려져 있다. 그러나 계속되는 스트레스나 암유발 물질의 노출은 체내 면역체계를 파괴하면서 최후의 방어선을 무너뜨리면서 암발생에 무방비 상태를 만들게 된다. 이런 이유로 체내 면역시스템의 정상적 가동 및 증강을 유도하게 하는 전략이 암예방시 매우 중요한 표적으로 인식되면서 다양한 형태의 면역증강 물질 개발을 시도하고 있다. 인삼은 두릅나무과의 여러해살이 풀로써, 오랜동안 한방 및 민간에서 원기를 회복시키고, 각종 질병을 치료할 수단으로 사용되고 있는 대표적인 전통생약이다. 예로부터 불로(不老), 장생(長生), 익기(益氣), 경신(經身)의 명약으로 구전되어졌는데, 이는 약 2천년 전 중국의 신농본초경(神農本草經)에서 "인삼은 오장(五腸)을 보하고, 정신을 안정시키고, 혼백을 고정하며 경계를 멈추게 하고, 외부로부터 침입하는 병사를 제거하여주며, 눈을 밝게 하고 마음을 열어 더욱 지혜롭게 하고 오랫동안 복용하면 몸이 가벼워지고 장수한다" 라고 기술되어있는 데에서 유래한 것이다. 다양한 연구를 통해 우리나라에서 생산되는 고려인삼 (Panax ginseng)이 효능 면에서 가장 탁월한 것으로 알려져 있으며 특별이 고려인삼으로부터 제조된 고려홍삼은 전세계적으로도 그 효능이 우수한 것으로 보고되어 있다. 대부분의 홍삼 약효는 dammarane계열의 triterpenoid인 ginsenosides라고 불리는 인삼 saponin에 의해 기인된 것으로 알려져 있다. 이들 화합물군의 기본 골격에 따라, protopanaxadiol (PD)계 (22종) 및 protopanaxatriol (PT)계 (10종)으로 구분되고 있다 (표 1). 실험적 접근을 통해 인삼의 약리작용 이해를 위한 다양한 노력들이 경주되고 있으나, 여전히 많은 부분에서 충분히 이해되고 있지 않다. 그러나, 현재까지 연구된 인삼의 약리작용 관련 연구들은 심혈관, 당뇨, 항암 및 항스트레스 등과 같은 분야에서 인삼효능이 우수한 것으로 보고하고 있다. 그러나 면역조절 및 염증현상과 관련된 최근 연구결과들은 많지 않으나, 향후 다양하게 연구될 효능부분으로 인식되고 있다.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
• /
• v.96
• /
• pp.155-180
• /
• 2019

Samsaebulhoedo(三世佛會圖) at Yongjusa Temple(龍珠寺), regarded as a monumental masterpiece consisting of different elements such as Confucian and Buddhist ideas, palace academy garden and Buddhist artist styles, unique traditional and western painting styles, is one of the representative works that symbolically illustrate the development and innovation of painting in the late Joseon dynasty. However, the absence of painting inscriptions raised persistent controversy over the past half century among researchers as to the matters of estimating its production period, identifying the original author and analyzing style characteristics. In the end, the work failed to gain recognitions commensurate with its historical significance and value. It is the particularly vital issue in that estimating the production period of the existing masterpiece is the beginning of all other discussions. However, this issue has caused the ensuing debates since all details are difficult to be interpreted to a concise form due to a number of different records on painters and mixture of traditional buddhist painting styles used by buddhist painters and innovative western styles used by ordinary painters. Contrary to other ordinary Buddhist paintings, this painting, Samsaebulhoedo, has a praying letter for the royal establishment at the center of the main altar. It should be noted that regarding this painting, its original version-His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince主上殿下, 王妃殿下, 世子邸下-was erased and instead added Her Love Majesty慈宮邸下 in front of Her Majesty. This praying letter can be assumed as one of the significant and objective evidence for estimating its production period. The new argument of the late 19th century production focused on this praying letter, and proposed that King Sunjo was then the first-born son when Yongjusa Temple was built in 1790 and it was not until January 1, 1800 that he was ascended to the Crown Prince. In this light, the existing praying letter with the eulogistic title-Crown Prince世子-should be considered revised after his ascension to the throne. Styles and icons bore some resemblance to Samsaebulhoedo at Cheongryongsa Temple or Bongeunsa Temple portrayed by Buddhist painters in the late 19th century. Therefore, the remaining Samsaebulhoedo should be depicted by them in the same period as western styles were introduced in Buddhist painting in later days. Following extensive investigations, praying letters in Buddhist paintings in the late 19th century show that it was usual to record specification such as class, birth date and family name of people during the dynasty at the point of producing Buddhist paintings. It is easy to find that those who passed away decades ago cannot be revised to use eulogistic titles as seen by the praying letters in Samsaebulhoedo at Yongju Temple. As "His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince" was generally used around 1790 regardless of the presence of first-born son or Crown Prince, it was rather natural to write the eulogistic title "His Royal Crown Prince" in the praying letter of Samsaebulhoedo. Contrary to ordinary royal hierarchy, Her Love Majesty was placed in front of Her Majesty. Based on this, the praying letter was assumed to be revised since King Jeongjo placed royal status of Hyegyeonggung before the Queen, which was an exceptional case during King Jeongjo's reign, due to unusual relationships among King Jeongjo, Hyegyeonggung and the Queen arising from the death of Crown Prince(思悼世子). At that time, there was a special case of originally writing a formal tripod praying letter, as can be seen from ordinary praying letter in Buddhist paintings, erasing it and adding a special eulogistic title: Her Love Majesty. This indicates that King Jeongjo identified that Hyegyeonggung was erased, and commanded to add it; nevertheless, ceremony leaders of Yongju Temple, built as a palace for holding ceremonies of Hyeonryungwon(顯隆園) are Jeongjo, the son of his father and his wife Hyegyeonggung (Her Love Majesty)(惠慶宮(慈宮)). This revision is believed to be ordered by King Jeongjo on January 17, 1791 when the King paid his first visit to the Hyeonryungwon since the establishment of Hyeonryungwon and Yongju Temple, stopped by Yongju Temple on his way to palace and saw Samsaebulhoedo for the first and last time. As shown above, this letter consisting of special contents and forms can be seen an obvious, objective testament to the original of Samsebulhoedo painted in 1790 when Yongju Temple was built.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
• /
• v.96
• /
• pp.123-154
• /
• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
• /
• v.96
• /
• pp.18-53
• /
• 2019

The paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were recently donated to the National Museum of Korea and unveiled to the public for the first time at the 2019 special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea." These two paintings carry significant implications for understanding Joseon art history. Because the fact that they were components of a folding screen produced after a sightseeing tour of the Gwandong regions in 1557 has led to a broadening of our understanding of sixteenth-century landscape painting. This paper explores the art historical meanings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion by examining the contents in the two paintings, dating them, analyzing their stylistic characteristics, and comparing them with other works. The production background of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion can be found in the colophon of Chongseokjeong Pavilion. According to this writing, Sangsanilro, who is presumed to be Park Chung-gan (?-1601) in this paper, and Hong Yeon(?~?) went sightseeing around Geumgangsan Mountain (or Pungaksan Mountain) and the Gwandong region in the spring of 1557, wrote a travelogue, and after some time produced a folding screen depicting several famous scenic spots that they visited. Hong Yeon, whose courtesy name was Deokwon, passed the special civil examination in 1551 and has a record of being active until 1584. Park Chung-gan, whose pen name was Namae, reported the treason of Jeong Yeo-rip in 1589. In recognition of this meritorious deed, he was promoted to the position of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Punishments, rewarded with the title of first-grade pyeongnan gongsin(meritorious subject who resolved difficulties), and raised to Lord of Sangsan. Based on the colophon to Chongseokjeong Pavilion, I suggest that the two paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were painted in the late sixteenth century, more specifically after 1557 when Park Chung-gan and Hong Yeon went on their sightseeing trip and after 1571 when Park, who wrote the colophon, was in his 50s or over. The painting style used in depicting the landscapes corresponds to that of the late sixteenth century. The colophon further states that Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were two paintings of a folding screen. Chongseokjeong Pavilion with its colophon is thought to have been the final panel of this screen. The composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion recalls the onesided three-layered composition often used in early Joseon landscape paintings in the style of An Gyeon. However, unlike such landscape paintings in the An Gyeon style, Gyeongpodae Pavilion positions and depicts the scenery in a realistic manner. Moreover, diverse perspectives, including a diagonal bird's-eye perspective and frontal perspective, are employed in Gyeongpodae Pavilion to effectively depict the relations among several natural features and the characteristics of the real scenery around Gyeongpodae Pavilion. The shapes of the mountains and the use of moss dots can be also found in Welcoming an Imperial Edict from China and Chinese Envoys at Uisungwan Lodge painted in 1557 and currently housed in the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University. Furthermore, the application of "cloud-head" texture strokes as well as the texture strokes with short lines and dots used in paintings in the An Gyeon style are transformed into a sense of realism. Compared to the composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which recalls that of traditional Joseon early landscape painting, the composition of Chongseokjeong Pavilion is remarkably unconventional. Stone pillars lined up in layers with the tallest in the center form a triangle. A sense of space is created by dividing the painting into three planes(foreground, middle-ground, and background) and placing the stone pillars in the foreground, Saseonbong Peaks in the middle-ground, and Saseonjeong Pavilion on the cliff in the background. The Saseonbong Peaks in the center occupy an overwhelming proportion of the picture plane. However, the vertical stone pillars fail to form an organic relation and are segmented and flat. The painter of Chongseokjeong Pavilion had not yet developed a three-dimensional or natural spatial perception. The white lower and dark upper portions of the stone pillars emphasize their loftiness. The textures and cracks of the dense stone pillars were rendered by first applying light ink to the surfaces and then adding fine lines in dark ink. Here, the tip of the brush is pressed at an oblique angle and pulled down vertically, which shows an early stage of the development of axe-cut texture strokes. The contrast of black and white and use of vertical texture strokes signal the forthcoming trend toward the Zhe School painting style. Each and every contour and crack on the stone pillars is unique, which indicates an effort to accentuate their actual characteristics. The birds sitting above the stone pillars, waves, and the foam of breaking waves are all vividly described, not simply in repeated brushstrokes. The configuration of natural features shown in the above-mentioned Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion changes in other later paintings of the two scenic spots. In the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, Jukdo Island is depicted in the foreground, Gyeongpoho Lake in the middle-ground, and Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Odaesan Mountain in the background. This composition differs from the typical configuration of other Gyeongpodae Pavilion paintings from the eighteenth century that place Gyeongpodae Pavilion in the foreground and the sea in the upper section. In Chongseokjeong Pavilion, stone pillars are illustrated using a perspective viewing them from the sea, while other paintings depict them while facing upward toward the sea. These changes resulted from the established patterns of compositions used in Jeong Seon(1676~1759) and Kim Hong-do(1745~ after 1806)'s paintings of Gwandong regions. However, the configuration of the sixteenth-century Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which seemed to have no longer been used, was employed again in late Joseon folk paintings such as Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung. Famous scenic spots in the Gwandong region were painted from early on. According to historical records, they were created by several painters, including Kim Saeng(711~?) from the Goryeo Dynasty and An Gyeon(act. 15th C.) from the early Joseon period, either on a single scroll or over several panels of a folding screen or several leaves of an album. Although many records mention the production of paintings depicting sites around the Gwandong region, there are no other extant examples from this era beyond the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion discussed in this paper. These two paintings are thought to be the earliest works depicting the Gwandong regions thus far. Moreover, they hold art historical significance in that they present information on the tradition of producing folding screens on the Gwandong region. In particular, based on the contents of the colophon written for Chongseokjeong Pavilion, the original folding screen is presumed to have consisted of eight panels. This proves that the convention of painting eight views of Gwangdong had been established by the late sixteenth century. All of the existing works mentioned as examples of sixteenth-century real scenery landscape painting show only partial elements of real scenery landscape painting since they were created as depictions of notable social gatherings or as a documentary painting for practical and/or official purposes. However, a primary objective of the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion was to portray the ever-changing and striking nature of this real scenery. Moreover, Park Chung-gan wrote a colophon and added a poem on his admiration of the scenery he witnessed during his trip and ruminated over the true character of nature. Thus, unlike other previously known real-scenery landscape paintings, these two are of great significance as examples of real-scenery landscape paintings produced for the simple appreciation of nature. Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are noteworthy in that they are the earliest remaining examples of the historical tradition of reflecting a sightseeing trip in painting accompanied by poetry. Furthermore, and most importantly, they broaden the understanding of Korean real-scenery landscape painting by presenting varied forms, compositions, and perspectives from sixteenth-century real-scenery landscape paintings that had formerly been unfound.