• Clean Technology
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• v.27 no.4
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• pp.332-340
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• 2021

With the recent reinforcement of emission standards, it is necessary to make efforts to reduce NOx from air pollutant-emitting workplaces. The NOx reduction method mainly used in industrial facilities is selective catalytic reduction (SCR), and the most commercial SCR catalyst is the ceramic honeycomb catalyst. This study was carried out to reduce the NOx emitted from steel plants by applying De-NOx catalyst coated on metallic monolith. The De-NOx catalyst was synthesized through the optimized coating technique, and the coated catalyst was uniformly and strongly adhered onto the surface of the metallic monolith according to the air jet erosion and bending test. Due to the good thermal conductivity of metallic monolith, the De-NOx catalyst coated on metallic monolith showed good De-NOx efficiency at low temperatures (200 ~ 250 ℃). In addition, the optimal amount of catalyst coating on the metallic monolith surface was confirmed for the design of an economical catalyst. Based on these results, the De-NOx catalyst of commercial grade size was tested in a semi-pilot De-NOx performance facility under a simulated gas similar to the exhaust gas emitted from a steel plant. Even at a low temperature (200 ℃), it showed excellent performance satisfying the emission standard (less than 60 ppm). Therefore, the De-NOx catalyst coated metallic monolith has good physical and chemical properties and showed a good De-NOx efficiency even with the minimum amount of catalyst. Additionally, it was possible to compact and downsize the SCR reactor through the application of a high-density cell. Therefore, we suggest that the proposed De-NOx catalyst coated metallic monolith may be a good alternative De-NOx catalyst for industrial uses such as steel plants, thermal power plants, incineration plants ships, and construction machinery.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.90-111
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• 2021

Seojangdaeyajodo is a drawing of Jangyongyoung's military night training on February 12 (lunar leap month), 1795. Focusing on the Seojangdaeyajodo, the positions and roles of the low-ranking soldier belonging to Jangyongyoung, and the composition and characteristics of military uniforms for each role were examined. The results ascertained by the historical research on the military uniforms are as follows. Deungronggun, noeja, sunryeongsu and daegisu who were placed in front of the king's Seojangdae were the low-ranking soldiers belonging to Jangyongyoung. The soldiers who escorted the king around Seojangdae were lowranking soldiers belonging to Jangyongyoung. The military uniform of the deungronggun was consisted of a jeolrip, a black heopsu, red gweja, indigo jeondae, white haengjeon and black shoes. The low-ranking soldier's heopsu suggested that it could also be a sochangui. He carried a sword and a red lantern. Noeja were divided into a sinjeonsu and a jujangsu. The military uniform of the noeja was consisted of a Jujeolrip, a black heopsu, red gweja, indigo jeondae, white haengjeon, and black shoes. Sunryeongsu were divided into a sinsigisu and a younggisu. The military uniform of the sunryeongsu was consisted of a jeongeon, a black heopsu, red gweja, indigo jeondae white haengjeon and black shoes. He carried a sword and a red lantern. The military uniform of the daegisu was consisted of a jeongeon, a black heopsu, blue gweja, indigo jeondae, white haengjeon and black shoes. He carried a sword and a flag. The soldiers surrounding Seojangdae and the seongjeonggun defending the fortress were the Chogun. The military uniform of the chogun was consisted of a jeolrip, a black heopsu, houi, indigo jeondae, white haengjeon and straw shoes. Houi was applying the five directional colors: the east is blue, the west is white, the south is red, and the north is black. He carried a sword and a gun. It was presented as an illustration of costumes that could produce contents by reflecting on these historical results. The basic principle of the illustration was to present the standards for 3D content production or actual production. Samples of form, color, and material according to the times and status were presented. The front, the side, and the back of each costume and the feature were presented, and the colors were presented in RGB and CMYK.

• Journal of the Korean Applied Science and Technology
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• v.38 no.6
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• pp.1383-1392
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• 2021

It has been reported that emodin, a major pharmacologically active ingredient of herbal medicines such as Polygonum cuspidatum, Polygonum multiflorum, Rheum palmatum, and Aloe vera, is effective in antioxidant, antibacterial, anti-inflammatory, anticancer, and liver protection. In this study, to investigate the potential of emodin to be used as a skin disease and functional material, the activity related to the improvement of inflammation and skin barrier function was confirmed. To observe the anti-inflammatory effect on HaCaT cells, which are human keratinocytes, cytokine inhibition was confirmed by ELISA kit and protein expression by western blot. In HaCaT cells activated with TNF-α (10 ng/mL)/IFN-γ (10 ng/mL), emodin was treated with each concentration (5, 10, 20, 40) µM. As a result, It was confirmed that the production amount of TNF-α, IL-1β and IL-6 decreased as the concentration of emodin increased. In the experimental results on the expression levels of inflammation-related proteins iNOS and COX-2, it was confirmed that 48% of iNOS and 29% of COX-2 were inhibited compared to control at a concentration of 20 µM of emodin. As an indicator of skin barrier function improvement, the mRNA expression level of filaggrin, involucrin, and loricirn and the production amount of filaggrin, involucrin, and loricirn were confirmed. and excellent results were obtained with an emodin concentration-dependent increase. In particular, filaggrin, which was produced twice as much as the control at a concentration of 20 µM, is a protein involved in the formation of NMF, a natural moisturizing factor, and is known to play an important role in moisturizing the stratum corneum. In conclusion, it was confirmed that emodin can be used as a material for improving inflammation and improving skin barrier function, which is part of the potential for use as a skin disease and functional material. It is believed that if additional research is performed in the future, the scope of its application can be further expanded.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.2
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• pp.114-131
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• 2014

The Portrait of Yang Zhuxi(楊竹西小像) at the Palace Museum in Beijing holds important significance as one of the rare portraits from Yuan Period and as a painting with a definite year of creation in 1363. It is also noteworthy in that it is the only remaining work of Wang Yi(王繹), who was one of the critical portrait painters during the second half of Yuan Period and the author of Xiexiang Mijue(寫像秘訣), the first book on the portrait theories, that it was created in conjunction with Ni Zan(倪瓚), one of the utmost landscape painters of the times, and that it was an early case of landscape and figure painting-format portraits. The figure in Portrait of Yang Zhuxi was originally known as Yang Wu(楊瑀), a high official during Yuan Period, but it was a misunderstanding on the part of Li Rihua(李日華), a literary figure from Ming Dynasty. The actual model was Yang Qian(楊謙), a reclusive literary figure in the Songjiang(松江) region. Yang Qian is estimated as one of the central figures with a high reputation in the literary community of Jiangnan those days. Portrait of Yang Zhuxi was depicted by borrowing the icon of such hermits as Su Shih(蘇軾), which seems like a proper choice to express Yang Zhuxi, a reclusive literary figure. Furthermore, the rocks and pine trees described by Ni Zan reinforced the significance of the portrait through their traditional symbolism of man of virtue and man of letters, respectively. Portrait of Yang Zhuxi used the Baimiao Manner(白描法), thus being differentiated from other portraits from the same period. Even though there is no coloring in the painting, it boasts more excellent realism than colored portraits. It expressed the body with the graceful and controlled Li Gonglin(李公麟) and Zhao Mengfu(趙孟?) style Baimiao Manner, raising its dignity further. In terms of functions, Portrait of Yang Zhuxi is strongly characterized by the appreciative function unlike other portraits focused on the ceremonial function. Being created to be viewed and appreciated by the model himself and his friends, the portrait was very significant to promote their friendship. However, there was a great intention to reflect the emotions of the model himself and his friends in the painting beyond the simple appreciation level.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.44-65
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• 2018

This study examined the costumes of the characters in the painting titled Hig yongru Banghwoedo, which was designated as National Treasure No. 1879 in September 2015, and is currently kept in the Dongguk University Museum. The painting depicts a social gathering of Joseon aristocrats held at the higyongru, or watch tower, of the Gwangjumok, a government office, in 1567. It is characterized by the delicate illustration of the government officials, the main characters of the gathering, and the hyangri, ajeon, najang, chorye, akgong, and yeogi, the lower-class employees of the office. In order to investigate the costumes they wore, diverse materials including literature, costume artifacts, and paintings were used as reference sources. The scope of the study was limited to the characters' headdress and gown, and the accessories attached to the former. The study of men's clothing revealed that officials wore a samo and a red dalryeong as basic attire. In addition, it is presumed that they wore a belt indicating their official rank in the hierarchy, and a pair of black shoes. Retired officials wore a heuklip wrapped in horsehair or silk fabric with a red jing-nyeong and a doah. The hyangri wore a heukjukbanglip on their head, as well as a white jing-nyeong and a belted doah. In the Goryeo period, the banglip was a type of official headdress worn by members of the aristocratic elite ranked immediately below the king, but in Joseon it was demoted as the official headgear of the hyangri class, which was confirmed through Higyongru Banghwoedo. The ajeon wore a heuklip on their head, and a white jing-nyeong and a doah at the waist. As a rule, the najang wore a chogun on the head, and a banbieui on cheolrik and chungmokdai, but the najang in Higyongru Banghwoedo are depicted wearing a chogun and a cheolrik without a banbieui. Also, the chorye wore a heuklip wrapped in hemp cloth with a red cheolrik, whereas the akgong wore a somoja and a red cheolrik. Female entertainers, both adults and children, are depicted in the painting as either serving the aristocrats, dancing, or playing a musical instrument, wearing their hair in a voluminous, round, high bun, and dressed in a red daiyo, a hwangjangsam with a straight or reclined collar, and a belt. Notably, the donggi, i.e. young gisaeng, are shown wearing their hair in two short braids, and ddressed in a red gown with a y-shaped collar, or po.

• Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.97-104
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• 2019

This experiment was conducted to investigate the effect of whole crop rice (WCR) based TMR on growth performance and carcass characteristics of Hanwoo steers. WCR "Yeongwoo"was harvested at yellow ripen stage and ensiled for 60 days. The crude protein (CP), acid detergent fiber (ADF), neutral detergent fiber (NDF), in vitro dry matter digestibility (IVDMD) and total digestible nutrient (TDN) content was 8.4 %, 28.0 %, 53.8 %, 72.4 % and 66.8 %, respectively. For silage quality, pH was 4.37 and lactic and butyric acid content were 2.84 and 0.04 % in DM. Sixteen Hanwoo steers (8-mon-old) were allocated into either a control (commercial TMR) and WCR-TMR (WCR-based TMR) group. The TMR were fed according to the feeding stage phase: growing (Initiate~14 month), early fattening (15 month~21 month) and late fattening (22 month~30 month). The body weight of control group increased (P<0.05) until early fattening stage, but late growing stage of WCR-TMR group was higher than that of control (P<0.05). Average daily gain (ADG) was significantly greater (P<0.05) in WCR-TMR group (total 0.78 kg/head) compared to control (total 0.66 kg/head) except for late fattening stage. The marketing weight and carcass weight were higher in WCR-TMR group (726 vs 765 kg; 417.8 vs 450.4 kg). The back fat thickness (11.75 vs 13.00 mm), Longissimus dorsi area (88.00 vs $89.88cm^2$) and yield index (65.87 vs 64.30) were not different between the two groups (P>0.05) and also no difference in meat yield grade (A : B : C = 2 : 4 : 2). Marbling score (4.00 vs 4.13), meat color (4.75 vs 4.75), fat color (3.13 vs 2.88), texture (1.25 vs 1.50) and maturity (2.00 vs 2.00) were not significant difference between the two groups and meat quality grade ($1^{{+}{+}}:1^+:1:2:3=0:2:4:2:0$) was also not different. In conclusion, TMR feeding based on WCR silage showed superiority in carcass yield and ADG compared to control TMR. It is considered that the use of WCR for feed is a necessary option for the substitution of the imported forages and the government's policy for rice production adjustment.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.4
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• pp.48-63
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• 2013

The results of the study on the space planning and landscape design of Unjoru(雲鳥樓) through the 'Jeolla Gurye Omidong Gado(全羅求禮五美洞家圖)' drawn using GyeHwa(界畵) technique are as follows. First, 'Omidong Gado' is believed to date back to the period when Unjoru(1776~1783) was established for the following reasons: (1) The founder, Yoo-IJu(柳爾?), sent the drawing for the house while he was serving as the governor of YongCheon county(龍川府史). (2) It shows the typical dwelling houses' space division and its location is in a good spot with mountain in the back and water in front(背山臨水) and there is every indication of scheme drawing. (3) Front gate was changed and remodeled to a lofty gate in 1804. Second, Nogodan & Hyeongjebong of Jiri Mountain sit at the back of Unjoru, and faces Obong mountain and Gyejok mountain. In addition, the Dongbang stream flowing to the east well illustrates the Pungsu theory of mountain in the back and water in the front. Third, the house is structured in the shape resembling the character 品, divided into 5 areas by hierarchical order in the cross line from all directions. The site, which includes the outdoor yard and the back garden, consists of 5 blocks, 6 yards and 2 gardens. Fourth, the outdoor yard with aesthetical value and anti-fire function, is an ecological garden influenced by Confucianism and Taoism with a pond (BangJiWonDo Type, 方池圓島形) at the center. Fifth, the Sarang yard(舍廊庭) is decorated with terrace garden and flower garden, and the landscaping components such as oddly shaped stone, crane, plum, pine tree, tamarisk tree and flowering plants were used to depict the ideal fairy land and centrally placed tree for metaphysical symbolism. The upper floor of Sarangchae commands distant and medium range view, as well as upwards and downwards. The natural landscape intrudes inside, and at the same time, connects with the outside. Sixth, pine forest over the northern wall and the intentionally developed low hill are one of the traditional landscaping techniques that promotes pleasant residential environment as well as the aesthetics of balanced fullness.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.16-33
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• 2012

Maehwa blossom(梅花) has been favoured in literary and artistic works in the East Asia as one of representing symbols of virtuous men's character. Maehwaseookdo(梅花書屋圖) is one of major forms of painting. This paper starts from the birth of Maehwaseookdo since it aims to examine the following points: its structural origin of the Gurimaehwachonsado(九里梅花村舍圖) style; how this style was distributed in Korea; process and features of Maegamdo(梅龕圖). The current academic world admits Maehwaseookdo is originated from an ancient story of Lim Po(林逋). Even though Maehwaseookdo and Lim Po story can be linked to a meaning of schoarly hermitage, ways to structure works are hard to compare paintings based on Lim Po story. While paintings related to Limpo story such as Banghakdo(放鶴圖) and Gwanmaedo(觀梅圖) depict a scholar(s) and a few Maehwa trees with cranes, Maehwaseookdo presents scholarly hermitage with a lot of Maehwa trees which encircle a house building. As other paintings related to Maehwa blossom were widely painted since the nationwide popularity of the theme of Maehwa, Maehwaseookdo was not drown throughout the whole period of time. Since Goryeo, Maehwa paintings including Sehansamu(歲寒三友), ordinary Maehwado as one of the Four Gentlemen's plants, and Tammaedo(探梅圖) which was based on ancient anecdote of Maeng Hoyeon. Maehwaseookdo, however, was created exclusively in the 19th century. In China a similar feature took place much earlier period which was in the 17th century. Accordingly we can assume that these patterns which paintings in particular styles were generated by particular cultural phenomena. The reason why Joseon's Maehwaseookdo works were painted exclusively in the 19th century was that Kim Jeonghee's party and Sin wi had acquaintanceship with Jang Sim(張深) who got work orders for Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁). In these corresponding activities, two types of Maehwa paintings were exchanged. In China, scholars usually drew paintings in the type of Gurimaehwachonsado(九里梅花村舍圖) depicting scenic views of Guriju(九里洲) which was riverside area under the Mt. Buchun(富春山). This place surrounded by thousands and hundreds of Maehwa trees was where Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁) was about to retire to hermitage in. In this repect, Joseon scholars painted Maegamdo(梅龕圖) depicting a scene of a shrine with Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁)'s poetry books surrounded by Maehwa trees for paying tribute to the wall of Maehwa trees(Maebyeok(梅癖)). This seems to adapt the format of 'Manmae(萬梅)' which appeared in the type of Gurimaehwachonsado. One of the representing works of this, is painted or supervised by Sinwi. Paintings in two types with respective meanings were combined by which was estimated to be painted by Sin Wi, then it became a structural base of by Jang Sim(張深) This type of Maegamdo brought the popularity of Maewhoseookdo which once had another name of 'Manmaeseookdo(萬梅書屋圖)' by a group of scholars such as Jo Heeyong, in the 19th century. All things considered, this paper can be a sort of precedent phrase to find out the birth of Manmaeseookdo which was very popular in the late 19th century.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.1
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• pp.4-23
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• 2015

In the Buddhist paintings of the four devas, there is a change in the paper material of V aisravana(多聞天) in the early Joseon Dynasty. Until Goryeo Dynasty, Damuncheonwang, who holds a tower(塔) on the right side of Buddha was changed to the form which holds a mandolin(琵琶) in the early Joseon Dynasty. This change was first checked in Byeonsangdo in the Yuan period "The Avatamska Sutra(大方廣佛華嚴經, 1330~1336)", however the actual paper material change in the Buddhist painting is found first as a mural at the Tibetan temples, Cheolbangsa(哲蚌寺), Odunsa(吳屯寺), Baekgeosa(白居寺), which showed the change of tower which Vaisravaṇa held into mongoose. In Joseon Dynasty, also, new distribution of the four devas appeared first, which showed the change of paper material in the first floor roof-stones of Wongaksaji sipcheung seoktap, . However, the position of the four devas which held a tower and a mandolin consistently appear in the Buddhist paintings in the early Joseon Dynasty by mixing on the left and the right. This means the possibility that the paper material and the position of the four devas might be flexible in the early Joseon Dynasty. Just like reflecting this, painting image of the four devas in illustration of "saddharma-pundari-ka-$s{\bar{u}}tra$(Ming 1432, National Museum of Korea)" and illustration of "Jebulsejonyeorae-bosaljonjamyeongching-gagok(제불세존여래 보살존자명칭가곡, 1417)" has opposite position from each other. Therefore, the phenomenon in the Buddhist paintings of the early Joseon had a transitional characteristic which did not secure the fixed form of painting image by illustration of two copies where paper materials of the four devas were different, which characteristic can be said to be the characteristic of art in the transitional period.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.445-469
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• 2004

The Avatamsaka Sutra copied in ink on the white paper of Shilla Period is the oldest manuscript in korea. This Avatamsaka Sutra is volume 1-10 and 44-50 of the 80 volume's transcription. According to the postscript, written with 528 letters at the end of the volume 10 and 50, this sutra is made during A.D. 754-755, for six months by the order Master Yon-gi(綠起 法師) who founded Hwaumsa Temple(華嚴寺.) It explains the procedure of the ritual and production method of the sutra-copying, and also shows the 19 participants with their name, address, official title, and etc. When the sutra was founded, volume 1-10 were so congealed that we could not open the volumes. And volume 44-50 was prohibited to take photograph for preservation. According to the recent examination, it proved that this sutra is the treasure for the study of the characters made by Empress Wu Zetian(則天武后.) The characters made by Empress Wu Zetian(A.D. 625-705) are new shape of chinese characters which is different from the traditional characters. After the demise of the Queen, the characters were not used any more officially, but privately some people used the characters for personal tastes and interest. The characters in the sutra includes 512 characters of 13 kinds of Empress We Zetians'. Compared to the Tun-huang version of the sutra, this is far better treasure for the study of Empress We Zetians' characters in terms of the number of the character and the their use of frequency. The Avatamsaka Sutra of Shoso-in(正倉院) in japan copied in A.D. 768 does not use the Empress We Zetians' characters. In this respect, this Shilla Avatamsaka-Sutra is a unique one preserves the original forms of Chinese translation at that time.