• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.422-437
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• 2019

Compared to the significant number of researches on international immigration, there has been less attention to return migration. This is partly because return migration has been understood as a simple phenomenon resulted from a successful return with accumulated capital or adaptation failure. Since the mid-1990s, a large number of Korean-Chinese have migrated to Korea, and recently it became more common to witness the return of them. This study examines the strategic choice of self-employed Korean-Chinese returning to Yanbian, Recently, an increasing number of Korean-Chinese starts a small business, such as restaurants in Yanbian after accumulating capital in Korea. The relatively short stay in Korea is not only for saving money to initiate their own business. Rather, they could obtain new business opportunities in Yanbian by using the experiences and networks built in Korea. In short, the return migration of the Korean-Chinese to Yanbian can be understood as a strategy of capital accumulation utilizing the gap in the World-systems.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.9 no.4
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• pp.559-575
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• 2003

The purpose of this study is to systematically explain and discuss the return migration of Koreans in Central Asia to the Russian Far East. The Koreans' return migration is explained by the combination of push and pull factors inherent in the host and home countries. The structural or institutional push factors in Central Asia include the linguistic policy of a country, civil war, ethnic conflicts, while the micro ones are the Koreans' high concern of their children's education and the improvement of a socio-economic status. The macro pull factors operated in the Russian Far East are the permission to use the housing facilities and land previously controlled by military authorities and the laws of recovering the koreans' basic right and honor, while the micro ones are the networks of relatives and friends living in Central Asia and the Russian Far East. The two aspects related to the Koreans' return migration are also discussed. Firstly, the return migration of Koreans in Central Asia is interpreted as a migration of ethnic affinity. Secondly, the establishment of an autonomous district of Koreans in the Russian Far East is discussed.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.77-118
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• 2017

This study examines the identities shifting experiences of the ethnic Chinese refugee migrants who have returned to Vietnam. Their complex and hybrid identities as diaspora is an analytical and empirical subject for this study. Since the Vietnamese government implemented the renovation (đổi mới) policy in 1986, the number of overseas Vietnamese returning to Vietnam for visit, work, investment and retirement has been increasing. Among the returnees, many are ethnic Chinese, as there were many Chinese Vietnamese in the Vietnamese refugee diaspora from Vietnam during the 1970s and the 1980s. When they left Vietnam they were called 'the Hoa' (Chinese) or 'Hoa kiều' (overseas Chinese). When they returned, however, they were recognised together with all other returnees into the category of Việt kiều (overseas Vietnamese). Although their 'Chinese' identity had once made them to risk their lives, their 'Vietnamese' identity brought them back to Vietnam at other turning points in their lives. The shifting identity of these returning Chinese Vietnamese has produced dynamic and complex migration stories and an intriguing category of hybrid diaspora.

• Journal of Legislation Research
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• no.44
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• pp.757-799
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• 2013

Ever since Korea and Vietnam reestablished diplomatic relations, the two countries'bond has become stronger than ever, augmenting the range of exchange between them in almost every possible field including politics, economy, society, and culture at such a high speed. Among many, an increase in number of Vietnamese immigrant women in international marriage is worthy of close attention. Since 2010, Vietnamese has topped the proportion of total foreign women married to Korean men, having surpassed Chinese. Nonetheless, the quick international marriage between Korean men and Vietnamese women, which usually happens without sufficient time to get to know about different cultures and languages, has not only raised problems for people concerned, but numerous social issues as well. Recognizing these problems, a number of government departments have provided various support on policies and legal issues toprotect multicultural families as a means of social integration and settlement support. Nevertheless, the support policies until now have been generalizing all of the immigrant women in international marriage as people subject to protection. Thus, considering every immigrant women as people in need, and trying to help them with various social issues have caused the government a high cost and low efficiency. This thesis emphasizes the point that through the cases of Vietnamese immigrant women in international marriage, there should be a specific support plan for specific people in need, reflecting various traits of different cultures and societies, in order to ease their settlement in Korea. Moreover, it suggests detailed plans for improvements on legal and institutional problems. Although the Vietnamese government forbids commercial agents for international marriage, many of agencies are still active and to help the immigrant women, who desire to return and resettle in Vietnam in case of divorce, this thesis suggests legal and institutional remedies for Korean and Vietnamese government. The composition of the thesis follows below: Part II on social and cultural traits of international marriage between Korean men and Vietnamese women. Part III on institutional problems and plans for improvements regarding settlement of immigrant women in international marriage. Part IV on legal and institutional problems and plans for improvements regarding divorced immigrant women and their return to Vietnam. Part V on conclusion. Divorce is not a flaw anymore nowadays, but in case of Vietnamese immigrant women ininternational marriage, an inadequate legal system hampers their resettlement process. Cases of not being ableto remove their own names from the family register due to poor financial and legal abilities are often identified and it is both the Vietnamese and Korean governments'duty to acquit their ethical responsibilities by seeking ways to institutionally and financially support them.

• The Journal of Korean-Japanese National Studies
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• no.34
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• pp.77-123
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• 2018

The liberated korea has the estimated population 16 million in 1945, and added 2.5 million just after an year. The korean repatriates returned by way of 2 main routes. The returnees, Wol-Nam-Min(former residents in north korea), and repatriates from Manchuria came into south korea over the 38th division line. The other repatriates from japanese islands and pacific areas came into Busan port and the vicinity. The repatriates who returned from the China and the Japanese islands made up about 80% of the total added population. However, the influx of overseas repatriates who explosively increased between 1945 and 1946, declined abruptly in April of 1946, and at last illegal re-emigration group to Manchuria and Japan Appeared, who had repatriated from those areas. This study deals with the "re-migration phenomenon of 1946" in korea, mainly focuses on 1) the motivation for those who decided to remigrate, their prospects of resettlement in Manchuria and post war japan after re-migration, 2) the structural problems of the Korean society in 1946-1947, and 3) the social recognition for the people who letf for Manchuria and Japan. This study proved the cause and background of re-migration phenomenon. The Manchuria case, the local authorities wanted farmers and peasants who could cultivate the abandoned land which had been originally pioneered and reclaimed by korean poor peasants, who repatriated to korean peninsula. On the other hand, the korean repatriates had a hard time in tenanting farmland, and so much difficulty in getting farming tools including fertilizer. That's why they left korea for Manchuria again. The Japanese case, the korean repatriates had a tough life owing to the restriction of properties left in japan, while the inflation and food shortage in korea got worse and worst. Accordingly, many koreans tried illegal entrance into post war japan. This study is a part of clarifying the universality and specificity of post war repatriation and migration issues developed in the south Korea. Through this study, we can find how difficult it is for newly liberated areas to accommodate repatriates and make them ordinary nationals in harmonic way with successful social integration. and we can observe the social aspect and administrative ability of newly liberated south korea in detail, Because the present korea has faced with so many problems connected with immigration workers and re-setting with korean communities abroad, we should introspect these historical experience of our own.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.32 no.2
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• pp.29-58
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• 2009

식민지 시기 조선의 인구동태는 한반도 안과 밖에서 역동적으로 진행되었다. 한편으로 자연성장률이 크게 성장하였고, 국내외 이동도 활발하게 이루어졌다. 이 연구는 식민지 시기 동안 정확히 얼마만큼의 조선인의 인구성장이 이루어졌고, 그 동태의 특성은 무엇인가를 밝히고 있다. 식민지 조선 인구 동태의 중요한 특성은 무엇보다 조선 안에서의 완만하거나 정체된 인구성장과 대비하여 만주와 일본에서의 조선인의 급속한 증가로 요약할 수 있다. 식민지 시기 조선내 인구의 자연성장율은 1910년-1915년 사이 10.57%o에서, 1935-1940년에는 20.4%o, 1940-1944년에는 24.4%o로 증가하였다. 그런데 식민지 시기 자연성장율이 실질적으로 크게 증가했음에도 불구하고 조선 내 인구성장이 1930년대 중반부터 떨어지고 이후 정체되었다. 이는 많은 인구가 만주와 일본에 이출한 때문이다. 식민지 기간 동안 조선의 인구는 1,260만 여명이 증가하였는데 그 중 약 69%인 870 만여 명이 한반도 안에 있고 31%가 만주와 일본으로 유출되었다. 집단적인 디아스포라의 경험은 해방 이후의 정치 역학과 사회 구성에 중요한 영향을 미쳤다. 또한 귀환하지 않은 해외 조선인들의 국적과 민족 정체성을 둘러싼 긴장은 지금도 해결되지 않고 있다.

• Current Industrial and Technological Trends in Aerospace
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.99-108
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• 2008

This paper entirely explains the Korean astronaut program from astronaut selection to launch and return and introduces technology and results through this program in detail. The Korean astronaut program launched Nov. 2005 with the objectives to develop the manned space technology such as astronaut selection, training and space experiment and to disseminate concerns to the public about the science and space. In 2006 to select the Korean astronauts, the standards for selecting astronauts were set and then the selection processes from 1st stage to 4th stage were performed. In 2007, the 2 Korean astronauts took the astronaut training and the 18 domestic science experiments and 3 international experiments which the Korean astronaut, Dr. Yi, performed in ISS last April were developed. In April 2008, the Korean astronaut was transported to ISS by Soyuz in Baikonur in Kazakhstan and returned to the ground with performing the mission and space experiments. This paper will explain these processes as the above(astronaut's selection, training, space experiment, etc.) in detail.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.12-26
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• 2006

유하간(劉河間), 주단계적학설전파이후(朱丹溪的학說전播以后), 인위명대모사의가용약적시후편중고한(因위明代某些의家用葯的時候偏重苦寒), 소이도치료상비위이극벌진양적폐두(所以도致了상脾胃而克伐眞陽的弊두). 종이위료교정착오(종而위了교正착오), 형성료주장온보적온보학파(形成了主張溫보的溫보學派). 설기(설己), 손일규(孫一圭), 張景岳等溫보학파강조주재생명적비위(張景岳等溫보學派强凋主宰生命的脾胃), 신명양기(腎命陽氣), 재변증론치방면입족우선(在辨證論治方面立足于先), 후천(後天), 중시비여신(重視脾與腎), 선용료감온적약물(善用了甘溫的藥物). 저대우교정착오기착극대적작용(저대于교正錯오起着極大的作用), 동시논증(同時논증), 이론전개상비위여신명이주제공탁료(理론展개上脾胃여腎命以主제공托了), 우기후자가심료명문학설적연구(尤其后者加深了命門학설的硏究). 장경악활동적명대시이주자학위국책적(張景岳活동的明代是以朱子學위國策的), 구비사변성적철(具비思辨性的哲) 학배영상(학背영上), 추상(推想)"리(理)"이발휘의(而발휘의) 학이론(학理론). 우시저시기의가문입족우(于是저시期의家門立足于) "황제내경(黃帝內經)" 여연기론진행료기초이론화임상연구(여연氣論진行了基초理론和임床硏究), 경악통과편찬(景岳通과編찬) "내경(內經)"이저작(而著作)"류경(類經)"등(等), 근거자기적임상실험(根据自己的임床실험), 제출료온보학설(提出了溫보학설). 타쟁론적초점시자기제출적(他爭론的焦点是自己提出的)"음부족론(음不足론)". 침대전현적쟁론상(침대前현的爭론上), 경악이하간여범계위대상경(岳以河間여凡溪위대象). "경악전서(景岳全書)" 지운(之云): "양자유하간출(襄自劉河間出), 이서화입론(以署火立論), 전용한량벌차양기(專用寒凉伐此陽氣), 기해이심(其害已甚), 뢰동원선생비위지화필수온양(賴東垣先生脾胃之火必須溫養), 연상미능진척일편지류(然尙未能盡斥一偏之謬), 이단계복출(而丹溪復出), 우입음허화동지론(又立陰虛火動之論) ...... 한량지폐우복성행(寒凉之弊又復盛行), 부선수기해자기거이불반(夫先受其害者旣去而不返), 후습이용자유미이불오(後習而用者猶迷而不悟)", 지분료하간여단계시(指분了河間여丹溪是)"헌기지마(軒岐之魔)". 저사주장현출독특적유해저(些主장현出독特的유解), 이대후대학설발전적봉헌(以대后代학설발展的奉헌). 경악침대단계적"양상유여(景岳침대丹溪的)"양상유여(陽常有餘), 음상부족(陰常不足)", "기유여변시화(氣有餘便是火)", 설성(설成)"양비유여(陽非有餘), 진양부족(眞陽不足)", "기부족변시한(氣不足便是寒)", "상화부시사화(相火不是邪火)", 대단계학설견지료비판적입장(대丹溪학설堅持了批判的立장). 단계제출(丹溪提出)"양음설(養陰說)"이수립음허화왕적병기이론(而수立陰虛火旺的病機理론), 타적(他的)'양유여음부족론(陽有餘陰不足論)'상(上), '음(陰)'주요지생식물질(主要指生殖物질), "양(陽)"지정욕(指情欲). 가시중심사상시강조생리적양생(可是中心思想是强조生理的양생), 몰수립실제(沒수立실제)'음허화왕(陰虛火旺)'적병기(的病機). 취시장경악실재완성료저사병기(就是張景岳실在完成了저些病機). 경악재(景岳在) "진음론(眞陰論)" '장형질설성진양적상(將形질설成眞陽的象), 이명문위기(以命문위其)', 용(用)"개부족(皆不足)"해석질병(解석질病), 이익화(以益火) 장수이론위치법(장水理론위治法). 이차제조좌우귀환(而且制造左右歸丸) 음이귀납료치료방법(飮以귀納了治료方法), 발휘진음(발휘眞陰), 진양학설이구조유계통적이론(眞陽學說而구造有系統的理론). 저양위의가적쟁론핵심리유상화론(저兩位의家的爭론核心里有相火論), 논자상교연구타문적이론이보고기결과(논者相교硏究他문的理론而보告其結果).

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.12
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• pp.585-594
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• 2021

As for international migration, family reunification is a key factor for the well-being and social integration of migrants. The UN ensures the right to family unity for the beneficiaries of complementary forms of protection. That includes those who are not recognized as refugees, but are nevertheless at risk of serious harm upon return to their country of origin, and thus are in need of international protection to the same degree as refugees. Although the Korean government provides humanitarian stay permits as complementary forms of protection, it does not guarantee family reunification as it does for refugees. This study aimed to examine the family reunification systems in Sweden, Ireland, Australia and Canada and to propose policy implications for family reunification of humanitarian status holders in Korea. The results showed that these countries commonly ensures the rights to family reunification although permission periods and scope vary by country. This study concludes that the Korean government should develop a legal system to ensure family reunification for humanitarian status holders since it is guaranteed as a basic human right by international covenants and promotes positive integration to countries of stay.