• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.45 no.4
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• pp.11-22
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• 2017

A plaza represents the identity of a city, and that reveals a plaza's importance. Gwanghwamun Plaza and Seoul Plaza are two representative plazas where the citizens can freely express their opinions. Many major plazas in the center of Seoul were built under the Japanese occupation. Among these, the plaza of Joseon Bank has different characteristics than Gwanghwamun Plaza and Seoul Plaza. Even though this plaza was built in the center of the commercial, administrational, and cultural district during the Japanese colonial period, the research on this plaza has been limited. This study was conducted to verify the features of this plaza by analyzing its construction and transformation during the Japanese colonial period. The study's results outline how the plaza was constructed by the Japanese administration. The intention of the government is shown by the fact that it purchased land parcels and held a design competition. In the 1910s, the government purchased seven parcels of land during the expansion of roads as the place for the plaza. During the late 1930s, the government accepted a traffic circle to regulate the traffic and eliminate the conflict between crossing movements. In 1939, a fountain was built in the plaza's center, and its design was selected through a design competition. It was planned as a square, but gradually turned into a rotary. Furthermore, the plaza was a landmark and symbol of the power and modernity of Japan. As the main modal point of public transportation, the plaza became surrounded with largescale Western-style buildings, commercial advertising, and neon signs. The plaza became a place where people could experience the modern city. These spectacular displays showed that Japanese imperialism was perceived as a strange and peculiar landscape to the majority of Korean citizens. This study investigates the history and characteristics of the plaza, focusing on its beginning as well as the transformation of its form. As to the limitations of the study, it does not consider political and economic contexts within the transformation of Seoul and in relation to this plaza. Instead, that research remains for a future study.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.181-198
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• 1997

Going beyond the previous formulations of development theories, the present paper explores the effects other than political economy on quality of life in a rapidly developing country. The major analysis takes up the historical trend and nature of the developmental transformation that is partially a consequences of state structures and partially autonomous form it in South Korea. Also, it diagnoses developmental pathways for the future track by constructing a baseline model for state transition on the basis of power game between the state and civil society in the country. The results of the historical analysis show that civil society has been transformed in the course of confrontations and interactions between the state and nationalist social movement. The distinction between developmental(or bureaucratic authoritarian) and democratic state is presented to show that these are two qualitatively different aspects of state of state power, requiring separate analytical treatment. Furthermore, the state-centric approach which emphasizes the active role of the state at the sacrifice of societal fabric-constraining social conditions for quality of life - appears to be modified. On the contrary, the impact of civil society is transmitted both directly and indirectly via labor and ecological movement for quality of life, which is critical to the formation of the welfare state in the country. The prospect for sustainable development in Korea lies in providng and expanding quality of life in terms of the financial feasibility of the state through the public-private cooperation, and abstaining from drastic and radical commitment to welfare services as is the case with the European declines in welfare state, Further studies are needed to examine the interrelationships in different historical and cultural settings of developing counties to estimate a theory of quality of life and social justice.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.70-86
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• 1987

Going beyond the previous formulations of development theories, the present paper explores the effects other than political economy on quality of life in a rapidly developing country. The major analysis takes up the historical trend and nature of the developmental transformation that is partially a consequences of state structures and partially autonomous form it in South Korea. Also, it diagnoses developmental pathways for the future track by constructing a baseline model for state transition on the basis of power game between the state and civil society in the country. The results of the historical analysis show that civil society has been transformed in the course of confrontations and interactions between the state and nationalist social movement. The distinction between developmental(or bureaucratic authoritarian) and democratic state is presented to show that these are two qualitatively different aspects of state of state power, requiring separate analytical treatment. Furthermore, the state-centric approach which emphasizes the active role of the state at the sacrifice of societal fabric-constraining social conditions for quality of life - appears to be modified. On the contrary, the impact of civil society is transmitted both directly and indirectly via labor and ecological movement for quality of life, which is critical to the formation of the welfare state in the country. The prospect for sustainable development in Korea lies in providng and expanding quality of life in terms of the financial feasibility of the state through the public-private cooperation, and abstaining from drastic and radical commitment to welfare services as is the case with the European declines in welfare state, Further studies are needed to examine the interrelationships in different historical and cultural settings of developing counties to estimate a theory of quality of life and social justice.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.60-77
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• 2020

An assumption can be made that, as a start point for the recognition and utilization of cultural heritage, the "choice" of such would reflect the cultural ideology of the ruling power at that time. This has finally been proved by the case of Korea in the 20th century. First, in the late Korean Empire (1901-1910), the prevailing cultural ideology had been inherited from the Joseon Dynasty. The main objects that the Joseon Dynasty tried to protect were royal tombs and archives. During this time, an investigation by the Japanese into Korean historic sites began in earnest. Stung by this, enlightened intellectuals attempted to recognize them as constituting independent cultural heritage, but these attempts failed to be institutionalized. During the 1910-1945 Japanese occupation, the Japanese led investigations to institutionalize Korean cultural heritage, which formed the beginning of the current cultural heritage management system. At that time, the historical investigation, designation, protection, and enhancement activities led by the Japanese Government-General of Korea not only rationalized their colonial occupation of Korea but also illustrated their colonial perspective. Korean nationalists processed the campaign for the love of historical remains on an enlightening level, but they had their limits in that the campaign had been based on the outcome of research planned by the Japanese. During the 1945-2000 period following liberation from Japan, cultural heritage restoration projects took places that were based on nationalist ideology. People intended to consolidate the regime's legitimacy through these projects, and the enactment of the 'Cultural Heritage Charter' in 1997 represented an ideology in itself that stretched beyond a means of promoting nationalist ideology. During the past 20 centuries, cultural heritage content changed depending on the whims of those with political power. Such choices reflected the cultural ideology that the powers at any given time held with regard to cultural heritage. In the background of this cultural heritage choice mechanism, there have been working trade-off relationships formed between terminology and society, as well as the ideological characteristics of collective memories. The ruling party has tried to implant their ideology on their subjects, and we could consider that it wanted to achieve this by being involved in collective memories related to traditional culture, so called-choice, and utilization of cultural heritage.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.37
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• pp.307-334
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• 2014

Satirical cartoon features figure characters that liken to particular figures or social phenomenon to satirize particular figures or social phenomenon. Through the words and actions of figure characters in satirical carton, fraudulentact of man in power or irrational social phenomenon is revealed. The National Intelligence Service (NIS) female agent that is the figure character of this study has been appearing in satirical cartoon for a long time and it likens to social phenomenon instead of a actual figure. The reason why the NIS female agent has been appearing as a figure character in satirical cartoon for a long time is because related social phenomenon has not ended and is still in progress. In addition, the reason why it likens to social phenomenon instead of an actual figure is based on the fact that it is not easy to identify her face that has been hidden, which makes it difficult to exaggerate the characteristic of the figure. Her hidden face is also an expression of the desire to hide that is symbolized by baseball cap and muffler. Her hidden face and the desire to hide make it easy to substitute to other related figure or social phenomenon instead of actual figure. Namely, outward appearance of the NIS female agent has a good condition for combining 'added significance' in satirical cartoon. Irrelevant to actual NIS female agent, a satirical cartoon figure of NIS female agent is being combined with various meanings when needed and it is substituted as another figure, group or social phenomenon as the actual figure disappears. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is to reveal the role of figure character in satirical cartoon by symbolically analyzing the figure character that appears in satirical cartoon as 'NIS female agent'. The followings were revealed through the symbolic analysis of figure character in satirical cartoon in this study. First, satirical cartoon satirizes social phenomenon. Figure character in satirical cartoon satirizes social phenomenon in place of actual figure. Second, satirical cartoon satirizes core or embarrassing area of irrational social phenomenon created by politics. Figure character in satirical cartoon satirizes core or embarrassing area of social phenomenon by revealing it in place of actual figure. Third, satirical cartoon sends a message of warning to a responsible person of irrational social phenomenon created by politics. Figure character in satirical cartoon sends a message of warning to responsible person of irrational social phenomenon created by politics in place of actual figure. Fourth, satirical cartoon provides catharsis for enduring wound or stress received by individual due to irrational social phenomenon created by politics. Figure character in satirical cartoon provides catharsis for enduring wound or stress received by individual due to irrational social phenomenon through satirizing and ridiculing actual figure.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.103-129
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• 2004

This article examines the Korean adolescents and adults' social representation and trust of Korean society and people using indigenous psychological analysis. Respondents were asked to write in an open-ended questionnaire their perception of the following five aspects: Korean politics, economy, society, culture and people. They were then asked to report why they trust or distrust Korean society. A total of 1,064 respondents (218 middle school students, 200 university students, 218 fathers of the middle school students, 218 mothers of the middle school students, and 210 teachers) completed a questionnaire developed by the present researchers. The data were collected during April to June, 2003. The results indicate that 94.5% of Koreans view the existing political system and politicians as being corrupt, inept, factional, and lacking in integrity. A vast majority (84.9%) recognize the existence of systemic problems in the Korean economy. A total of 78.2% see problems in Korean society being dominated by selfishness, factionalism, conservatism, and social uncertainty. For Korean culture, a majority of respondents report being proud of its cultural tradition, accomplishment, and creativity. At the same time, 45.7% report loss of cultural identity and pride due to external influences. More than half of the respondents report negative aspects of Korean people (i.e., selfish, lack of morality, rushed, and overly focused on their social image), while nearly half of the respondents report positive aspects of Korean people as being compassionate, cooperative, good-natured and hard-working. As for reason for trusting Korean society, around a third report "because it is our country," followed by its future potential, and the good-nature and willingness of Korean people to work hard. The reasons for distrusting Korean society is the dishonesty politicians, corruption, institutional ineptness, and economic uncertainty. These results indicate a low level of collective efficacy in influencing and affecting change in Korean society.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.31-70
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• 2017

On December 9, 2016, the decision of impeachment of the National Assembly decided against Park Geun-hye came from the nomination conflicts of the 20th general election between Pro-Park group and Anti-Park group at the ruling Saenuri Party. Therefore, this study focused on the nomination conflicts of the ruling party and the opposition party on the election results in the 20th general election on the public sentiment of the people. The nomination conflicts of the ruling and opposite parties were a prelude to the victory of the 19th presidential election, and it was serious faction conflict. Firstly, the study examined how the nomination conflicts of each party were centered on President Park Geun-hye as well as the leaders of each party and the chairman of the nomination committee. Secondly, the study examined what kind of changes would be made to the composition of presidential candidates for each party at the time of the presidential election. Thirdly, the study examined the opposition parties' separation between the Minjoo Party of Korea and the People's Party of Korea before and after the election and the issue of initiative in Honam. As a result of the analysis, the 20th general election failed to obtain a majority seat of the ruling Saenuri Party, and the opposition won and formed the majority. The reason why President Park and Saenuri were greatly defeated in the contest even in the situation where the opposition parties were divided is the root cause in the attitude of Pro-Park group and Anti-Park group who assumed their victory. Therefore, it is highly possible to render its responsibility to President Park Geun-hye, who has become a 'past power', and it has opened up the possibility that the emergence of future power by opposition parties. In the case of the opposition party, it is clear that the battle for Honam, which is a traditional opposition party's support group, is a matter of good fortune of the two major powers, Moon Jae In and Ahn Cheol Soo.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.49
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• pp.25-52
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• 2017

As the expansion of the cultural industry expands, various competitive structures are formed and the methodologies for producing commercial success are being discussed. Among them, Hollywood studios use political relationships and apply ideologies that can produce the best interests. Also, they use a structure that can convey this ideology, which is a mythology. The myth has satisfied the public for a ling time. Campbell suggested that strategies come from the myth, and the ideology emerged as a result of what mythology has to do with existing powers. Disney and Dream Works use the mythology and combine their own values into ideology. Disney and Dream Works choose conflicting ideologies in a different growth background. If Disney is recognized as an educational animation by the ruling class, Dream Works are supported by the public for their actions against Disney. Disney has conservative and patriotic personality, Dream Works is more liberal and progressive. Disney's structure came out first, and Dream Works parodied it. So we can compare Disney and Dream Works with similar myths to create a storytelling structure that embodies ideology. As a result, Disney and Dream Works have been choosing the 9 stages the key of Ideology form the 17 stages of the mythology and reduced them to the introduction, growth and completion. In the first units of the introduction, Disney dealt with the subject of social leaders who sacrificed to the ruling class and Dream Works hinted at the overthrow of the ruling class through the irony. If Disney had deployed colored races in the main characters, Dream Works used a variety of races from the main characters to others. In the second units of growth, Disney organized the process of accepting the value of the ruling class, and Dream Works showed the individual values, not the values of society. In the third units completion, Disney showed the main character who live in the world of the ruling class rebuilded, and Dream Works removed the ruling class and went back to the Individual life. Through the structure of Disney and DreamWorks, we learned how to utilize the mythical structures that transform according to ideologies. The right way to organize works will require the strategic approach to storytelling.

• Broadcasting and Media Magazine
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.85-98
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• 2005

About the phenomenon of being imaged of everything, the scholars of the humanities who had studied on the simple reason structure in a text have been in a big agony how accept it. Especially, semiologists have studied about this for a long time and the points at issues of Saussure, Peirce as well as Umbeto Eco are more outstanding. Being based upon his philosophic interesting from medieval esthetics to modern semiotics, Eco was very concerned about the field of general esthetics and poputar arts like television and cartoons. He connected the mutual open-relations between 'signifier' and 'signified' debated in Semiotics with the open and vague modern arts and regarding it as a deviation from the custom, intensively studied the film-media. Saussure is a representative figure of semiotics and explained Sign and the character of semiotics as the division into two parts such as signifier/ signified, form/ substance, langue/ parole, synchrony/ diachrony. The triadic semiotics (the theory that Sign is composed of the triadic structure like sign, referent and interpretant) of Peirce put the new item- 'interpretant' in sign and referent to connect them and open the possibility to introduce time in to the Sign. In this paper, I try to analyze a cartoon film in the semiotic structure with the systemic, reasonable and logical approach and analysis as as possible. While the images shown through a film were depended on the romantic and impressional judge in the past, due to semiotics, it' s quite possible to correlate the procedure of symbolization to social coherence so that we analyze the incredible power of images to suck audiences with the systemetic Sign. I accept all ot film-images including a cartoon film as not the simple esthetic arts but a social custom and system, want to serve as a aid to properly understand world and humanbeings and prevent the film-image from being mystic. A cartoon and a cartoon film which were begun with the link of a text and an illustration give shape to all of images such as materials, places and even thoughts with a cartoon icon existed in only a cartoon. A cartoon and a cartoon film simply and exquistely conceptualize the complex and vague attribute of an organic creature and extend them infinetly beyond language. However, it can be exploited as a mysticism to temptate the general public and a faking material. In addition to that, it can distort our world-knowledge engaging a political power and the massive power of mass media. In this paper, being based on semiotics to approach a cartoon film in a scientific and organic system, I conclude that a non-linguistic cartoon expression is entangled with the manifold signs and implies the supplementary meanings just like a regular linguistic expression. It remarks that the iconic images of a cartoon film are composed of the social codes and can be analyzed on grounds of a linguistic system.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.45
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• pp.263-289
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• 2014

King Munjong(文宗), the eleventh King of the Goryeo Dynasty, was the son of King Hyeonjong(顯宗), the eighth king, and the younger stepbrother(異母弟) of King Jeongjong(靖宗), the 10th king. Although King Jeongjong had four sons, he abdicated the throne to King Munjong. King Taejo(太祖) had opened the possibility for sons other than the eldest son to succeed to the throne. When King Jeongjong died, his sons were children under the age of 10 years. In the early period of the Goryeo Dynasty, when kings had young sons, there were precedents of abdicating the throne to their grown-up younger brothers. In addition, King Jeongjong and Munjong had an identical blood background. During the period, Goryeo people also naturally accepted the fact that a former king's younger brother succeeded to the throne. In this background, King Munjong ascended the throne. However, King Munjong did not ascend the throne after identifying state affairs with politic power. Therefore, he needed to increase his authority as the king. Moreover, as the sons of King Jeongjong had grown up, they could stir up trouble in future succession to the throne. Therefore, King Munjong intended to concentrate power on himself and remove trouble in future succession to the throne by selecting his son as successor to the throne. After the installation of Wangtaeja(王太子, the Crown Prince), King Munjong expanded and organized Donggunggwan(東宮官, the establishment of Secretariat of Wangtaeja) and carried out various rituals related to Wangtaeja. The control system for Donggunggwan was completed institutionally in 1068. At this time, the newly organized Donggunggwan was operated as a miniature version of the central government office. In addition, the ritual for the installation of Taeja, which was held in 1054, complied with regulated procedures. After the ritual of the installation, a ceremony to congratulate on Jangheungjeol(長興節, the birthday of Wangtaeja) was held in 1056. In 1064, the wedding ritual of Taeja took place, and the ritual for Taeja regulated in Yeji(禮志) of "Goryeosa(高麗史)" was carried out. In addition, the installation of Wangtaeja was made known overseas, and the Taeja of Goryeo was proclaimed by the Kitan three times. Such various measures played an important role in strengthening the status of Taeja as the man of authority next to the king. Later, Taeja demonstrated his status as the man of authority following the king by participating in state affairs on behalf of King Munjong who was not able to move about freely in his later years.