While China's military rise is an issue of growing importance to regional security, it is worthwhile to note that it is not China's military modernization per se, but its capacity to project and sustain power along and beyond its borders--in particular, the possibility to resolve forcefully its outstanding maritime disputes and various contingencies. This essay argues that China's "anti-access capability"--a U.S.-coined term originally developed for a Taiwan contingency--is equally applicable to other major regional cases such as the Spratly disputes and a North Korean contingency. Furthermore, notwithstanding China's continuos efforts to develop and deploy various types and classes of weapons/platforms, it is the Russian systems and technologies that are most capable and thus likely assigned to the highest mission-critical areas. In assessing China's current and likely future military capability as well as their implications for the region, it is necessary to take note of the following: • There exists asymmetry of military capability between China and its weaker neighbors. While the PLAN is weak in several important aspects, for instance, many of its neighbors' navies are weaker still. • Some have argued that China's foreign policy behavior apparently became more "assertive" in 2009-2013, but it is wiser to keep in mind that China has almost always been assertive and aggressive when it comes to what China defines as "sovereignty and territorial issues" as well as its newest "core interests." • On the South China Sea disputes it is the function of U.S. presence in the theater--in the form of overseas bases and the freedom of navigation--and the PLA's own limitations to project and sustain power for an extended period of time that have largely prevented armed. • While Taiwan remains the idee fixe of China's diplomacy and military, it is and will be a tough nut to crack. China's recent creeping attempts for economic integration with Taiwan should be seen in this context. • China and Japan, the two regional heavyweights and traditional rivals, will likely have a bilateral relationship that is replete with difficulties and tension. China's unilateral announcement of its ADIZ in November 2013 as well as the occasional yet persistent disputes with Japan over the Senkaku/Diaoyudao/Diaoyutai islands are only the latest manifestation of this deeper and difficult relationship. • For Korean security it is imperative to take into account the geostrategic and historical factors. On top of the existing military threats from North Korea, the ROK should be able to employ a) hedging strategy, b) "limited defense sufficiency" strategy, and c) rock-solid relations with the United States.
Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
/
v.19
no.4
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pp.611-616
/
2018
With the recent increase in awareness of the diversification of patterns of warfare and security, technological evolution is occurring in the field of autonomous defense robots. As defense science and technology develops with the development of the concept of military utilization focusing on human lives and economic operation, the importance of autonomous robots in the effect-oriented future battlefield is increasing. The major developed countries have developed core technologies, investment strategies, priorities, data securing strategies and infrastructure development related to the field of autonomous defense robots, and research activities such as technology planning and policy strategy for autonomous defense robots in Korea have already begun. In addition, the field of autonomous defense robots encompasses technologies that represent the fourth industrial revolution, such as artificial intelligence, big data, and virtual reality, and so the expectations for this future area of technology are very high. It is difficult to predict the path of technological development due to the increase in the demand for new rather than existing technology. Moreover, the selection and concentration of strategic R&D is required due to resource constraints. It is thought that a preemptive response is needed. This study attempts to derive 6 new technologies that will shape the future of autonomous defense robots and to obtain meaningful results through an empirical study.
Rapid advancement of technology in today's society has allowed for easy access and use of data, promoting the process of informationization. Along with the merits of such development, unintended consequences of security risks involving wiretapping have been increasing as well. The security threats posed by wiretapping technology must be addressed by every organization and individual, as it could be used to leak confidential information about the nation's security, military and diplomatic strategies, industrial technologies, and personal information. Despite increasing threats stemming from the surrounding nations using advanced wiretapping technology, there is a lack of awareness at the government level, and the existing security measures for detecting and counteracting the wiretapping equipment are ineffective. In this research, the authors offered technical suggestions for improving the security strategies against the threats of wiretapping and information leakage by conducting a content analysis. The authors suggested the units of an agency be assigned a security grade based on its importance, and that adequate security equipment should be operated according to the grade. For instance, around-the-clock surveillance is recommended for grade-1 facilities, and portable wiretapping equipment detectors should be used to protect conference rooms and other key sites.
There emerges a growing concern about South Korea's intellectual dependence on U.S. financial news media. However, those media's inherent relationship with national economic and financial interests has been poorly addressed. This paper thus attempts to identify such a strategic partnership between media and the government by analysing news coverages over four critical arena interwoven with U.S. dollar based financial system. For this purpose, total 152 news articles about Asia crisis, Asian Monetary Fund, Malaysia currency crisis and the new international financial architecture have been examined in terms of frame, attitude, cue-givers and discursive strategies. Research results indicate that not only have the media actively deferred to government leadership bur they have also acted as public diplomats in way of not hampering journalistic credibility. Hence, it is claimed that Korean society needs to formulate a model of media's strategic partnership with government at least in foreign policy arena, as well as to launch discursive strategies against nation-bound global news media.
These days our society, no matter it is individual or community or nation it has diversity big and small trouble and Terrorism, disaster that gives national crisis in many different ways. Before we dont think disaster is big problem in nation crisis but now we have to think seriously and put the disaster problem in nation crisis. Also security terrorism is important in national crisis just same as security of nation and disaster in national crisis management. Specially, attacking national sovereign and the head of the government are still increasingly and if deadly terror happens than nation will get big crisis and can get aftereffect. Accordingly way of development about crisis control in security terrorism, first of all, for make confrontation system because of crisis management, need judical revision about escort law and prevention of terror. Second of all, need exclusion of guard danger element for strengthening guard safe action. Third of all, strengthening education to people so increase ability of conquest in the scene. Finally, security terror not only directly purpose also indirectly purpose increase, need to development about guards way and need a strong will to reduce terrorism, also put emphasis on prevention guards action and before the fact make perfection more perfect in crisis control to removal element of terror.
Historically, the United Nations supported the establishment of the government of the Republic of Korea after liberation and played a decisive role in defending liberal democracy and peace by sending peacekeepers during the Korean War. With the political and military support of the United Nations, the Republic of Korea was able to grow into the world's 10th largest economy today, and now it is time to fulfill its responsibilities and roles to contribute to peace and prosperity in the international community as a middle power. The international peace operations of the United Nations are comprehensive concepts encompassing conflict prevention, peacemaking, peace enforcement, peacekeeping, and peace building, and are implemented in accordance with the Security Council resolutions based on the UN Charter. In order to effectively respond to changes in the international security environment and conflict factors after the post-Cold War, the UN promoted a paradigm shift in international peace operations through the 2000 Brahim Report and the 2015 High-Level Panel Report on UN Peace Activities. Therefore, this study aims to assess the Korean military's international peace operations at a limited level, such as reconstruction assistance and humanitarian assistance, and to present development measures for more active participation as a middle power in the future. To this end, we reviewed the history and specificities of conflict, the conflicting factors after the post-Cold War, and the new paradigm of UN peace operations, focusing on the African region where a number of UN peacekeeping missions are stationed. And it also suggested ways to develop international peace operations that the Korean military should pursue in the future.
The purpose of this paper is to analyze the behavior of North Korea's cyber attack against South Korea since 2009 based on major international security theories and suggest South Korea's policy option. For this purpose, this paper applied the behavioral domain and characteristics of 'cyber power' and 'coercion dynamics' model, which are attracting attention in international security studies. The types of cyber attacks from North Korea are classified into the following categories: power-based incarceration, leadership attacks and intrusions, military operations interference, and social anxiety and confusion. In terms of types and means of cyber power, North Korean GPS disturbance, the Ministry of Defense server hacking and EMP are hard power with high retaliation and threat and cyber money cashing and ransomware are analyzed by force in the act of persuasion and incentive in the point of robbing or asking for a large amount of money with software pawns. North Korea 's cyber attack has the character of escape from realistic sanctions based on the second nuclear test. It is important for South Korea to clearly recognize that the aggressive cyberpower of North Korea is changing in its methods and capabilities, and to ensure that North Korea's actions result in far greater losses than can be achieved. To do this, it is necessary to strengthen the cyber security and competence to simultaneously attack and defend through institutional supplement and new establishment such as cyber psychological warfare, EMP attack preparation, and enhancement of security expertise against hacking.
The issue of security on the Korean peninsula is facing the greatest upheaval in 2018 with the inter-Korean summit and the US-North Korea summit. North Korea has pursued the parallel policy developing military and economic at the same time. However, North Korea is changing its route to give up nuclear weapons and focus on the economy through summit talks. Since the change in North Korea is similar to that of Libya in the past, it is necessary to analyze why North Korea is trying to abandon its nuclear program and how the process is flowing compared to the case of Libya. The Libya model was constructed and analyzed in terms of international and domestic perpectives and recognition of the situation by leadership. North Korea's nuclear policy was evaluated based on the Libya model. The nuclear development of Libya and North Korea has caused diplomatic and economic pressures from the international community and ultimately led to instability of the regime. Two countries have tried to abandon nuclear program in order to solve the instability of the regime, also gain the economic reward insead. Libya took economic benefits and secured some of the stability of the regime, but the regime collapsed under the wave of democracy due to the influx of foreign capital and ideas. North Korea will seek diplomatic and economic gains with the example of Libya, but will try to limit as much as possible the culture of democracy and the full opening that can be incidental.
The purpose of this study is to investigate reunification perception among groups with different cognitive bias(anchoring bias) through empirical studies. This study assumes that cognitive bias occurs according to the content of N. Korea provided in school education, and that the cognitive bias formed in youth creates a difference in perception of N. Korea and reunification. For empirical study, a survey of reunification awareness conducted by the Institute for Peace an Unification Studies-Seoul National University was used, and the two groups are divided into A-group that chose "anti-communism or security" and B-group that did "reunification interests, multi-culturalism and understanding North Korea" according to N. Korea content which was encountered in school education during adolescence. A-group recognized N. Korea as a hostile target even after becoming an adult, while B-group regarded N. Korea as a one of dialogue and cooperation. This analysis illustrates the existence of cognitive bias between the two groups because of N. Korea content which was given in school education. A-group had a lower percentage than B-group in terms of the benefits of reunification to S. Korea and the need for more dialogue and compromise with N. Korea. However, there was no difference between two groups in terms of acceptance of N. Korean defectors. This research result could be a reference to the direction of school education policies relating to reunification in that early school education affects reunification awareness and perception related with N. Korea even in adulthood.
Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
/
v.22
no.6
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pp.67-74
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2021
Ground Operations Command (GOC) has studied various methods using artificial intelligence (AI) in order to accomplish ground missions more effectively and to strongly respond to variable strategic situations with advancements in fourth industrial revolution technology. As the result of various literature reviews, PEST-7S-SWOT is considered the most appropriate methodology for promoting strategies and for task development. These procedures consist of three stages. Phase 1 is analysis of external environmental factors from applying PEST procedures. We analyzed external environmental factors to determine opportunities and risk factors. Phase 2 is the analysis of internal environmental factors from applying 7S strategies. We analyzed the current state of an organization to find strengths and weaknesses. Phase 3 is SWOT analysis. It is based on the opportunities and risk factors from Phase 1 and the strength and weakness factors from Phase 2. We derive promotional strategies and tasks through SWOT analysis. In this study, four strategies and 11 tasks were derived for GOC AI systems. Those are promotion of policies and systems, reinforcing organizations, building an AI base, increasing expertise and capabilities, and validating PEST-7S-SWOT methodologies.
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