• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.211-245
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• 2002

After division of Germany, East Germany was established as a socialistic nation. The new socialistic nation needed new systems in many different areas such as political, social, educational and cultural. In the new political system based on socialistic ideology the administrative organization and political parties used the academic libraries as a political instrument. Thus the members of the political parties exercised socialistic ideology on the management of the libraries. For example, in the anointment of the library directors, in the education and training of librarians, In the collecting development policy, in managing the seditious materials etc the influence of socialism can be seen.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.50
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• pp.50-72
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• 2010

The purpose of this study was to investigate representation of media on Korean controversial historical incidents and its myth and ideology. Especially the authors paid attention to the MBC-TV Documentary which had dealt with many controversial issues in Korean society. Those issues had never been dealt by other Korean media before it began to do. Three episodes about the South-North Korea related issues were selected as main object of this study and were analyzed with various semiotic research methods, especially, paradigmatic analytical method, narrative analytic method and mythical analytic method. As a main result of this study, it was found that the Documentary tended to represent such controversial historical issues very differently from the previous representations of old newspapers'. Th e old newspapers tried to establish old myths; that is, 'myth of national crisis', 'myth of anti-communism', 'myth of scapegoat of college students', 'myth of intelligent agency's monopoly', 'myth of social stablization', etc, while the documentary changed to build up new myths; that is, 'myth of humanities', 'myth of peaceful unification', 'myth of freedom and democracy', 'myth of human rights, etc.' In short, it was concluded that the documentary was able to change some previous myths and ideologies through its changing representations.

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.205
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• pp.6-6
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• 1997

이데올로기로 양분됐던 동서구도가 무너지면서 과학기술이 새로운 국제질서로 부상하고 있다. 과학기술 개발의 변화는 한바탕 격동기임을 실감케 한다. 정보통신기술은 국가정책으로 두드러진 성장세를 보이고 인체게놈계획에 따른 생물기술의 관심이 활성화될 전망이다.

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.225
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• pp.18-19
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• 1997

에드워드 사이드는 다문화주의를 통한 동서의 공존을 주창한다. 제국의 권력과 지배에 의해 주변문화로 밀려났던 고유문화들의 적당한 위치를 되찾자는 의미이다. 문화란 민족과 국가간의 이데올로기가 충돌하는 전장이 될 수도 있지만 동시에 상호이해 가능한 공존의 영역이 될 수도 있음을 이야기한다.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.119-153
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• 2017

This paper examines the institutionalized images of Indonesian womanhood during the Orde Baru (New Order; 1966-1998). In doing so, it discusses these images as manifested in the Indonesian constitution, governmental organizations such as such as 'Dharma Wanita' and 'Pembinaan Kesejahteraan Keluarga' (PKK), school textbooks and 'Televisi Republik Indonesia' (TVRI) dramas. Under the post-1966 Orde Baru, certain images of womanhood were institutionalized under the influence of the state ideology of womanhood ('ibuism') which emphasizes women's roles in the domestic domain. These institutionalized images were propagated largely by governmental organizations such as 'Dharma Wanita' and 'PKK', and even transmitted through educational text-books and mess media such as TVRI. In conclusion, it also points out that since the mid-1990s, other 'discursive' and 'multi-faceted' contemporary images of womanhood have emerged through the mass media in Indonesian society. Consequently, images of Indonesian womanhood were somehow contested by 2000 and beyond. This paper is expected to develop a detailed discussion on the 'means' and 'contents' of the state ideology of womanhood. Therefore, this paper is expected to add a significant contribution to comprehending the institutionalized images of Indonesian womanhood during the Orde Baru regime.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.111-136
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• 2016

This paper focuses on the national "flagging" as a current affair, important phenomenon. National flags, it sees, take over varous places, control the surrounding space, and even dictate everybody's perspective by being visualized everywhere anytime. It investigates the issue of national flags and their hoisting poles as a sort of apparatuses that interpellate me as well as us into patriotic 'gookmin'. The placement, arrangement of national flag poles around the country continued throughout 2015 and particularly speeded up in October of the year is regarded as a key symbolic, symptomatic sign to read the transformation of political conjuncture. Preparing a radically conjuncturist cultural study about the changing reality, the researcher will see the flagging poles as a phenomenal result, outcoming of certain intent and plan for reconstructing the political actuality. More precisely, he will interpretate the tall omni-present poles of national flags as a dispositif of appearing the neoliberal/neoconservative capitalist state, as a apparatus of constituting and expressing the masses' psycho-ideological condition of today. The researcher, who perceives the national flag poles as a kind of ISAs. will first review the increased flagging phenomenon and related media discourses. Next, he will critically investigate the 'love our country' 'national flagging' movements organized by the above and operated from the bottom. Then, he will focus more on the very tall national flag poles built and seen around the country. Finally, he will conclude the study with a critical remark, touching briefly the case of controversy over setting a pole in the center of Seoul city square.

• Proceedings of the Korea Contents Association Conference
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• 2017.05a
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• pp.157-158
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• 2017

본 연구는 동아시아 담론을 연구방법론으로 하여 최인호의 "상도"을 연구한 것이다. 요약하자면, 인간의 욕망을 극대화한 근대적 삶은 개인에게는 소외된 삶을 가져왔고, 국가 간에는 냉전이데올로기에 따른 여러 분쟁을 낳았다. 최인호의 "상도"에 나타난 도가사상은 이러한 난제들을 해결하는 데 도움이 될 것이다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.6 no.8
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• pp.49-56
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• 2006

Urban cmmunity films have achieved the industrial modern society's idiosyncrasy Popular films have achieved the industrial growth through city as the completion of modernization. They also have represented the social meaning of urban space, and have expanded 'their political space' This filmic challenge showed diverse negative factors which were the poor's economical difficulties, the relative robbery of their education and job, and adhered class in city through developing the urban space with were hidden beyond modernity's splendor.

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.43-49
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• 2022

This study aims to study Esping-Anderson's theory of welfare state system, develop a model of welfare state suitable for Korea's situation, and apply it to reality. In this research method, basic research and analysis of ideology is used, focusing on Esping-Anderson's welfare state system theory, and applying it appropriately to the Korean situation. Studies on the model of the welfare state have been studied after the classification of complementary and institutional models asserted by Willensky and Lebo in 1965. In addition, Esping-Andersen asserts three things as a model of the welfare state according to ideology. First, the role of the market is central to the liberal welfare system that best fits the image of classical capitalism, and individualistic solidarity through the market. The role of the state or family, which can be a hindrance, is actually marginalized. In addition, in order to maximize individualistic solidarity through the market, de-commodification in the national domain tends to be minimized. Second, the conservative welfare system has a strong familistic element, so the source of social solidarity is the family, and the state plays a role of supporting and supplementing the characteristics of this family. In the conservative system, de-commodification appears to be high among household heads, or the welfare system takes on a corporatist and nationalistic form, it can be said that these characteristics are reflected. Third, in the social democratic welfare system, the source of social solidarity is the state. Therefore, the role of the state is large, the state has a high possibility of decommodification, and it has the characteristics of substitutes for the family and the market through universalist intervention. This study applies Esping-Anderson's three welfare state models to study a model suitable for the Korean situation. In conclusion, Esping-Anderson's three welfare state models can be classified into a market-oriented model based on a liberal welfare system, a status-oriented model based on a conservative corporatist welfare system, and a solidarity-oriented model based on a social-democratic welfare system, presented a compromise between liberalism and conservatism as a Korean model.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.31-54
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• 2011

This study investigates the nature of the welfare state under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime focusing on participatory democracy in the policy decision making procedure for the National Health Insurance. Participatory democracy was introduced not for the qualitative development of Korean democracy but for securing political legitimacy to change the Korean economic structure after the IMF financial crisis. Although participatory democracy played the positive role in winning higher benefit level in National Health Insurance. an index for the development of the welfare state, in 2007 A policy of higher benefit level ended in failure because of the pursuit of the neoliberal ideology, lack of government's responsibility for public finance, and thwarting policy holders' substantial participation in the decision-making process. Like those of past welfare systems, participatory democracy under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime was introduced for securing political legitimacy. But it was managed under restrictions imposed by pro-economic-growth ideology. Nevertheless, the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun governments are different from the former welfare states because of the fact that participatory democracy system is not 'service' system but 'political structure' and the fact that the grant of powers by participatory democracy played positive roles in the development of welfare state through request of higher benefit level policy.