• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.1-18
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• 2016

This study analyzed the reports of Korean and Chinese newspapers on the foundation of AIIB from the viewpoint of public diplomacy. The results showed that Chinese newspapers reported the government's statements and opinions and played as a means of conforming to the purposes of public diplomacy. Chinese newspapers employed the media paradigm of Instrumentalism among three paradigms of public diplomacy, which was due to ownership structure of the press. In the case of Korean Newspapers, they adopted paradigms of culturalism and professionalism. However, they verged to culturalism in terms of lack of discourse struggle due to few in-depth reports of the effects of national economy of AIIB.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.93-119
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• 2018

During the period from 2004 to 2013, the China's automobile consumer protection policy-making reflected interest articulation and aggregation among consumers, manufacturers, car dealership and repair companies. In particular, consumers has succeeded in articulating their interests in spite of their dispersed situation by making the efforts to present regulation's revision agenda through the China Consumers Association. And the car dealers put the right to blame the car manufacturers for unexpected vehicle defects into the final regulation through the China Automobile Distribution Association. Finally, due to the active interest articulation of automobile companies, policy making process was delayed or policies that were expected to benefit consumers were promoted to some extend. Therefore, it can be seen that there is a limit to define state-society relations in China simply as state corporatism, and rather it is more important to understand state-society relations in China as between state corporatism and societal corporatism including bottom-up interest articulations and aggregations and policy modification activities of various private or societal organizations.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.63 no.4
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• pp.277-299
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• 2011

The current study analyzed the tax structure in the welfare states. The appropriate tax structure of universal welfare state should be based on expanding all taxes, rather than choosing between direct and indirect, progressive and regressive, or mobile and immobile tax. The revenue for the universal welfare payment should be raised by levying tax on all people provided that the welfare payment is made available to all people. The analysis led to classification of tax structure into the high tax European model and the low tax English and East Asian model. The high tax European model was further classified into the balance tax model and the high social security model. The low tax English and East Asian model was classified into the low social security model and the high property tax model. Based on the results, the study maintained that the universal welfare states need not only to expand welfare resources but to develop tax system that corresponds to the universal welfare system.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.60 no.3
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• pp.201-230
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• 2008

While the constitutional states emerged in the period of the constitutional monarchies to protect freedom and property of citizens from a illegal trespass of monarchs, the passive role of the constitutional states to protect them was changed in the modern parliamentary democracy in which the state is to play an active role to realize the basic rights. Today the state giving chances and social benefits to citizens plays a very important role so that the people may to enjoy a free life as a citizen. In the modern parliamentary democracy the role of the state, therefore, is transformed form passive roles to active ones realizing the basic rights for citizens. The active role of the state to embody the basic rights asks the parliament to bear more the responsibility for making laws than ever before. In the modern welfare state social rights are also recognized as a basic right. In this sense the parliament should play a active role to realize the social rights. But the Korean parliament excessively turns over his legislative right on the basis of a delegated legislation to the Administration. It does not fulfill its responsibility for which the modern parliamentary democracy asks. To realize the social rights the Korean parliament should play a more active role.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.243-258
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• 2000

지역연구는 해외지역연구(foreign area studies)의 준말로, 연구자의 문화와는 다른 문화권 혹은 국가를 대상으로 하는 학제적인 연구이다. 지역은 시대와 정의자에 따라 변화할 수 있는 인지개념으로 세계지역, 문화지역, 국가단위지역 등으로 구분될 수 있다. 지역연구는 1920년대에 미국에서 시작되었으며 제2차 세계대전을 계기로 본격적으로 발전하였다. 전쟁 전에는 유럽지역이 지역연구의 주요 대상지역이었으며 전후 냉전시기에는 제3세계가, 그리고 현재는 전세계의 모든 지역이 연구지역으로서 주요한 가치를 지닌다. 지역연구는 정책지향적이고 학제적인 연구이며 현장연구를 중요시하는 특성을 지닌다. 지역연구자가 되기 위해서는 전공분야의 학위와 현지언어 능력, 광범위한 지역 지식, 현장 경험 등을 갖춰야 한다. 그러나 분과학문과 지역에 대한 관심의 균형 문제가 분과보편주의와 지역특수주의 간의 갈등으로 나타나 지역연구의 목적이 희석되기도 하였다. 지리학은 몇가지 이유로 인해 지난 몇 십년간 지역연구에 대해 비교적 관심을 덜 가졌다. 그러나 지리학자는 공간 상호작용의 분석과 자연환경에의 접근 등을 통하여 지역연구의 발전에 기여할 수 있으며 지역연구의 큰 목적 중의 하나인 지역성 구명의 문제에서 중요한 역할을 할 수 있다.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.281-296
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• 1994

It is generally accepted that there is always a potential for crisis in the capitalist society because of the internal contradiction of capitalism. The contradiction is explicitly and implicitly expressed in space. The fundamental contradiction in capitalism, however, is controlled and mediated by the state (i.e., the capitalist state). We thus could argue that the state plays an important role in the capitalist society and in the capitalist spatial formation. It is necessary to note how and why spatial structure has developed unevenly in capitalist societies, particularly in the U.S., The general concept of uneven geographical development is understood in the context of the capitalist economic system and the role of the state. But the problem is that the capitalist state itself has a contradiction between the productive function (i.e., accumulation function) and the reproductive function (i.e., legitimation function). The compromise of the two functions is always the dilemma of the state and the state becomes the object of class struggle (e.g., political class struggle) . The research questions are as follows. First, what is the role of the state in the economic structure and what is the internal problem of the state\ulcorner Second, what is the role of the state in space economy (or in spatial structure)\ulcorner And last, what is the relation between the federal state and the local state in the U.S. and how does the relation form the urban policies and thus the urban and regional development\ulcorner The paper will be looking at how the political economy in the U.S. explains unevenly developed geographical phenomenon.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.44 no.2
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• pp.146-160
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• 2009

Recent studies on development are increasingly focusing on analyzing development discourse and de constructing its institutionalization process in the nation-state. By pushing up the limit of the research on development, these studies particularly emphasize how development is articulated with the nation-state, its governmentality, and various representations. These studies overall consider development a powerful discourse, which invents under-development, mobilizes resources for changing particular space, and institutionalizes modem systems of socio-spatial control at a local scale. In this sense, it is particularly interesting to look at how the nation-state, faced with the deterritorialization of labor and capital, reterritorializes overseas resources and networks for the purpose of development. By problematizing the Overseas Koreans Foundation as a transnational state apparatus, this paper interrogates the way in which its institutionalized practices conjure up the national imagination, ethnic solidarity, and collective allegiance to the homeland in diaspora communities. This paper conclusively reports that the state apparatus circulates the discourse of transnational nationalism in Korean diaspora so as to appropriate their resources and networks for securing foreign currencies and investment in the homeland.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.235-247
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• 2009

Recognizing the potential and importance of biotechnology in boosting South Korea in an environment of competitive neoliberal globalization, South Korea has actively promoted the development and commercialization of biotechnology and legislated related laws. This should not, however, be read as yet another instance of the neo-liberal 'marketization' of economic activities and the demise of nation-states. The development of biotechnology in South Korea - and its commercialization - is closely intertwined with the practice of the Korean developmental state, and this practice has led to the production of new state spaces: biotechnology clusters. This paper examines what the roles of the state in developing and nurturing biotechnology clusters are.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.5
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• pp.168-178
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• 2015

Besides the imposition of taxes and mandatory actions, why in a special rules needed in the contract between state and civilians. The contract between the state and civilian are unlike with civilian's contract in the comparable effect, even if the effect of the agreement and the parties bear the structural nature of the self-other agreement between private economic actors and there are a variety of different specificity. In other words, the agents of the contract with the state government for control of opportunistic behavior are very specific rules exist. Through this, even if it is the relationship between state and non-mandatory private realms of the contract, even if the area forced me to the fact that the difference can be confirmed. Representative of the government of the country to understand the delegate decisions and judgments and other opportunistic behavior always seem to exist on the possibility of such devices for the pre-control needed.

• Journal of Korea Fair Competition Federation
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• no.6
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• pp.67-70
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• 1996

이 글은 중국 정부의 국가공상행정관리국 공정교역국 부당경쟁금지과에 근무하는 楊潔(양결)이 일본 공정취인협회의 $\lceil$공정취인$\rfloor$지 <발전도상국의 경쟁정책>에 기고한 것을 요약 정리한 것이다. 공산주의 경제 체제에서 사회주의 시장 경제로 이행하고 있는 중국에서의 공정거래 제도를 새로 도입하였다는 점과 자본주의적 시장 경제 체제가 아닌 사회주의국가에서 독점금지법을 어떻게 운영하는지에 대하여 여러 가지 흥미있는 점이 있어 게재한다.