• Asia Marketing Journal
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• v.3 no.4
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• pp.59-89
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• 2001

본 연구는 글로벌 시장에서 소비자들에게 주요 제품평가단서로서 이용되고 있는 브랜드, 가격, 물리적 특징, 판매점과 관련된 정보내용(합의정보와 속성정보)에 대하여 소비자의 문화적 지향성이 정보탐색원천과 정보탐색 유형별로 어떻게 작용하는가를 한국과 중국의 소비자들을 대상으로 탐색해 보았다. 연구 결과 양 국가에서 공통적으로 발견된 내용은 개인주의 성향을 가진 소비자들은 타인의 태도가 반영되지 않고 소비자들에게 스스로 판단하도록 하는 속성정보를 더 선호하였으며, 반면에 집단주의 성향을 가진 소비자들은 타인의 태도가 반영된 합의정보를 더 선호하는 것으로 나타났다. 또한 개인주의 성향을 가진 소비자들은 비인적 정보원천에서 속성정보를, 반면 집단주의 성향을 가진 소비자들은 인적정보원천에서 합의정보를 주로 더 이용하였고, 정보탐색 유형에서는 지속적 탐색보다 구매전 탐색에서 합의정보와 속성정보를 더 많이 이용하는 것으로 나타났다. 한편, 양 국가의 비교문화적 관점에서 차별적 결과도 제시되었는데, 개인주의 성향을 가진 한국 소비자들은 속성정보와 더불어 합의성 정보도 병행하여 이용하였으나 중국 소비자들은 주로 비인적 정보원천을 활용한 속성정보를 주로 활용하는 것으로 나타났다. 또한 집단주의 성향을 가진 한국 소비자들은 주로 판매원을 통한 합의정보를 선호하였으나 중국 소비자들은 판매원과 더불어 친구나 동료의 구전정보도 평상시에 많이 탐색하는 것으로 나타났다. 따라서 글로벌 시장을 공략하려는 국제 마케터들은 공통된 결과들을 바탕으로 한 표준화된 마케팅단서의 활용과 더불어 양 국가간의 문화적 차이에 기초한 차별적인 마케팅 믹스도 동시에 수행해야 할 필요성을 제기하고 있다.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.53
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• pp.5-43
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• 2017

This article adapts the democratic approach to the National Archives System. We must now search for a new archival landscape. Authors are agreeing that democracy is a basic principle for the new national archives model. This research looks into the direction of reform of the national record organizations in terms of individuality, integrity, and professionalism. It is, the fact that there are discussions rising on the need to reform the national records organization in the recent perspective of democracy. Democracy is a system that takes responsibility of even the results. This article describes all the discussions on what the best model for national archives system could be. In this social regulation, the archives carry out a noble mission of accountability. The discussion that suggests a clear perspective of democracy must be taken in to notice. Authors try to represent the voices of records managers. They also argue that records managers are the common wealth for our society. The national archives system is now the signature for the moral identity of national ruling powers. We argue that the new archives model should be derived from the point of the Candle Revolution.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.31-54
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• 2011

This study investigates the nature of the welfare state under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime focusing on participatory democracy in the policy decision making procedure for the National Health Insurance. Participatory democracy was introduced not for the qualitative development of Korean democracy but for securing political legitimacy to change the Korean economic structure after the IMF financial crisis. Although participatory democracy played the positive role in winning higher benefit level in National Health Insurance. an index for the development of the welfare state, in 2007 A policy of higher benefit level ended in failure because of the pursuit of the neoliberal ideology, lack of government's responsibility for public finance, and thwarting policy holders' substantial participation in the decision-making process. Like those of past welfare systems, participatory democracy under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime was introduced for securing political legitimacy. But it was managed under restrictions imposed by pro-economic-growth ideology. Nevertheless, the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun governments are different from the former welfare states because of the fact that participatory democracy system is not 'service' system but 'political structure' and the fact that the grant of powers by participatory democracy played positive roles in the development of welfare state through request of higher benefit level policy.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.63 no.2
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• pp.57-79
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• 2011

Universalism has received a considerable amount of attention in recent discussion of Korea welfare state. This paper explores tensions between universal, selective and residual welfare policies in Korea. It argues that selective welfare policies are useful allies for developing the universal welfare state. At the same time, principles of universalism are always formed in particular socioeconomic and historical contexts, and reflect the solidarity of various social stratifications or classes. This implies that the principles must be regarded as open to contestation, reformulation and change. The way to develope universal welfare state in Korea shouldn't follow the path observed in the Western welfare states. Korean society needs to find its own principles and path to develop a universal welfare state.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.288-310
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• 2017

This paper aims to provide a conceptual framework to see the special zones in East Asia in relation to the territorialities of the state. For this, it will introduce Aihwa Ong's notion of 'spaces of exception', and provide some critical discussions on it. Unlike Ong, I do not see the spaces of exception as an outcome of neoliberal changes of the state. Instead, I propose to see the special zones in terms of the internal limitations of the modern state territoriality. In particular, I try to theorize the special zones in relation to the dialectics of the contradictory relations between mobility and fixity inherent in the territoriality of the modern nation state. In addition, it will be suggested to see special zones as an essential part of the spatiality of the East Asian developmental states, given the spatio-temporal contexts of the East Asian capitalist development. On the basis of these theoretical discussions, this paper will divide the special zones that have been developed in East Asia since the 1960s into 3 different types, including 1) developmentalist special zones, 2) neo-liberal special zones, and 3) special zones for transition, and discuss their characteristics.

• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 1999.04a
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• pp.456-472
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• 1999

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.12
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• pp.23-36
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• 2014

This paper analyzes the effects of national culture on an individual's ethical decision-making in the context of the Internet. An ethical decision-making model which posits that five moral philosophy variables-justice, relativism, egoism, utilitarianism, and deontology-affect ethical judgment; ethical judgment, in turn, affects behavioral intention was proposed and Hofstede's five cultural dimensions of power distance, individualism, masculinity, uncertainty avoidance, and long-term orientation were used to analyze the effects of national culture on the model. The results showed that power distance, individualism, and masculinity had significant effects on the relationship between the deontology variable and ethical judgment, individualism, masculinity, and uncertainty avoidance had significant effects on the relationship between the justice variable and ethical judgment, and individualism and long-term orientation had significant effects on the relationship between ethical judgment and behavioral intention in the Internet context.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.447-467
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• 2009

Lakoff's (2002) 'nation-as-family' metaphor suggests that conservatism and liberalism in the United States are based respectively on two different sets of morality, i.e., "strict father" morality and "nurturant parents" morality. He argues that values associated with respective metaphors and political principles derived from them tend to determine certain political attitudes and policy endorsement. Using the priming technique, this study attempted to examine whether "strict father" and "nurturant parents" morality are indeed what underlie very different positions conservatives and liberals take towards people in need. The results supported the Lakoff's idea and demonstrated that, compared to priming "nurturant parents" morality, priming "strict father" morality actually led people to derogate character of those in need and to attribute more responsibility onto them for their economic predicament. This research leads us to reconsider what constitutes politically conservative and liberal attitudes and emphasizes the malleability of political attitudes.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.64 no.4
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• pp.261-284
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• 2012

This article attempts to discuss the childcare regime through examining the way familialism is expressed in society. First of all, this study reconceptualizes familialism and familism. From this conceptualization, this paper argues that although familialism is partly related with the level of development in a welfare state, familialism determines the way of welfare provision. Especially, family policy models are classified into 6 different typologies based on four concepts: defamilialization, familialization, public, and private. According to this discussion, familialism in child care is not simply the result of underdeveloped welfare in Korea. Rather the familialism is deeply rooted in the current socioeconomic circumstance and traditional culture in Korea. This implies that despite of expanding the institutional infrastructure of public childcare, the characteristic of Korean childcare regime would not be the same as the Nordic childcare regime.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.256-268
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• 2004

Korea remains one of the few countries in the world that has not participated in any formal regionalism except its first FTA with chile which was just recently concluded. The lack or regionalism in Northeast Asia reflects post-war national policies that favored international export markets as an engine of economic growth. Based on a survey of 50 firms in Korea, this paper examines the relationship between regionalism and multilateralism in terms of computer industry. The results show that the industry favors international rather than regional markets for its continued export growth. According to the results, accelerated trade liberalization measures through the mutilateralism of the WTO dilute the demand for and negative impacts from regionalism. Overall, the results suggest that the Korean computer industry supports a trading system with a strong multilateral commitment based on non-discrimination.