• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2008.04a
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• pp.448-451
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• 2008

• The Monthly Technology and Standards
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• s.38
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• pp.57-58
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• 2005

• The Monthly Technology and Standards
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• s.94
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• pp.24-25
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• 2009

주의보와 경보는 시간 당 내린 비의 양에 따라 정해진다. 일기예보도 결국은 표준이 주는 혜택인 것.

• The Monthly Technology and Standards
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• s.20
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• pp.74-76
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• 2003

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.21
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• pp.162-191
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• 1993

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.223-254
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• 2009

This thesis is aimed at researching the formation of democracy in socialist China. Due to a sense of cultural superiority on the basis of their developed civilization, they already formed a strong cultural nationalism, which has come to firm up into "Sinocentrism" through long periods of time. However, there arose a sense of crisis due to the Western invasion after the Opium War and the intellectuals in China happened to seek the solution to rescuing their mother land from ruin; in the midst of this process, the theory of social evolution of the West was introduced and accepted. The acceptance of this theory of social evolution gradually transformed in confrontation with a logical limit that China defeated in international competition could not but be plundered by imperialism after all, but it contributed to Chinese intellectuals' forming the concept of the modern state nationalism of the West deviating from cultural Sinocentrism. After the Russian Revolution, a large number of Chinese progressive intellectuals developed their socialist movement with the recognition that Marxism was a practicable alternative to rescue China from its crisis. The Chinese Communist Party was under guidance of the Comintern from the early process of its formation, in which they emphasized the fact the national liberation struggle in colonialized countries was an indispensable element in the world communist movement under the condition of the control of the world by imperialist capital at that time and subsequently, Marxism characterized by resistant nationalism in China gained its cause. Afterwards, the People's Republic of China was established by the Chinese Communists which came to get widespread support from the Chinese through anti-imperialism &feudalism in the process of the Sino-Japanese War, and thus China equipped with a full-blown socialism system set sails. However, with the relations with the Soviet Union getting worse under the international conditions of a cold war, the development of the Chinese socialism couldn't but resort to the concentrated power of its people, which was linked to the boost of continuous patriotism of the Chinese Communists. Particularly, due to the newly-emerging contradictions after reform & opening [gig kifng], China underwent disruption; thus, as an ideology to integrate such disruptive elements, Sinocentrism based on China's cultural pride re-appeared. Recently, a very strong form of Sinocentrism has come to the fore as their superiority of traditional cultures is emphasized in China whose international position as an economic power has been raised.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.203-240
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• 2011

Ahn Jaihong tries to establish a unified nation state with Dasarism through which conflicts of right and left could be sublated. Dasarism has two features; one is nationalism and the other is centrism. His nationalism recognizes national identity and national sovereignty as two faces of one coin and sublates nationalism and globalism. His centrism is thought to be a route to true democracy which can sublate liberalism and communism and a route to nation's sovereignty. However, his dasarism did not make any impact on political reality of that day. Its today's value must reside in its proposals to harmonize nation and world, and to protect the social weak, and to pursue a central route of reunification.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.73-90
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• 2015

This article focuses on geo-institutional differentiation and a multi-scalar analysis of emerging capitalist development in Laos. It discusses the impact of the Greater Mekong Subregion on new institutional economic and economic geographical arrangements. It demonstrates the usefulness of the varieties of Asian capitalism approach. The rubber industry was chosen to unravel emerging but various sub-national institutional arrangements linked to higher scale levels. Rubber is a growing agribusiness industry throughout the country, led by the insatiable demand from China. Overall, this study shows that the capitalist development of the rubber industry features much geo-institutional differentiation, due to the different strategies of Chinese, Thai and Vietnamese investors. Since Laos is still in transition from a state-led economy to something else, it is impossible at this to identify the exact number capitalisms. Yet, the evidence on rubber clearly lays bare the presence of multiple institutional arrangements. Without more inclusiveness, however, the implications for regional development are worrying. Exclusive arrangements will most likely lead to more uneven regional development and higher regional inequality. To refine theories on sub-national varieties of capitalism in developing countries it is instructive to consider more explicitly the notion of regional personal capitalisms and the complex interplay between national and regional states and relationships between capital accumulation and livelihood analyses.

• Review of KIISC
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.87-92
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• 1996

본 자료는 도청에 관한 국내 언론에 비친 내용들을 발췌하여 정리한 것이다. 본 자료를 통해서 알 수 있었던 것은 공산주의 몰락으로 인한 각국의 첩보나 정보 수집 대상국이 적국이 아니라 이익이 된다면 어떤 국가라도 대상으로 한다는 점이다 또한, 대상 정보도 경제 전쟁으로 불리울 만큼, 군사용만이 아니라 과학, 기술. 금융. 경제 등의 경제 관련 정보로 확대되었다는 점이다. 그리고 개인들의 사생활 정보도 도청에 의해 쉽게 침해되고 있으며 기업대 기업간 국가대 국가간 해당범위를 가리지 않고 도청이 행하여지고 있으며 도청 기술도 상상을 초월할 정도로 발전하고 있음을 알 수 있었다.

• 한국HCI학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2009.02a
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• pp.1225-1232
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• 2009

최근 HCI 분야에서는 사용자들이 가지고 있는 문화적 성향이 사용자 경험에 미치는 영향에 대한 다양한 연구들이 이루어져 왔다. 이는 사용자들이 가지고 있는 문화적 성향이 어떠한 기기나 시스템을 이해하고 해석하는 방식에 영향을 미치는 지각적 렌즈(Perceptual Lens)로서 작용하기 때문이다. 이와 같은 사용자들이 가지고 있는 문화적 성향의 중요성에도 불구하고 기존 HCI 분야의 연구들은 국가와 문화를 동일시하면서 국가 수준에서 문화의 중요성만을 강조하고 있다. 그러나 어떠한 기기나 시스템의 사용은 개인 수준에서의 행동이기 때문에 국가와 문화를 동일시 하는 것은 개인 수준의 행동을 설명하지 못한다는 한계가 있다. 이는 문화적 성향이 한 국가 내에서도 개인에 따라 다양한 양상을 나타낼 수 있으며, 더 나아가 한 개인 안에서도 대상이나 정황에 따라 다른 양상을 나타낼 수 있기 때문이다. 본 연구는 사용자들이 가지고 있는 문화적 성향에 있어 국가 간 차이가 존재할 뿐만 아니라, 기기 간에도 차이가 존재함을 밝히는 것을 기본 목적으로 한다. 이와 같은 목적을 위하여 본 연구에서는 Hofstede[1980]가 제시한 네 가지 문화적 차원(불확실성 회피 성향, 개인주의 성향, 남성성 성향, 권력 거리 성향)을 중심으로 각 차원에 있어 나타나는 국가 간 그리고 기기 간 사용자들의 문화적 성향의 차이를 3 개 국(미국, 독일, 러시아)에서 4 개 디지털 기기(핸드폰, MP3 플레이어, LCD TV, 냉장고) 사용자들을 대상으로 한 대규모 설문을 기반으로 검증하였다.