• International Area Studies Review
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.93-119
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• 2018

During the period from 2004 to 2013, the China's automobile consumer protection policy-making reflected interest articulation and aggregation among consumers, manufacturers, car dealership and repair companies. In particular, consumers has succeeded in articulating their interests in spite of their dispersed situation by making the efforts to present regulation's revision agenda through the China Consumers Association. And the car dealers put the right to blame the car manufacturers for unexpected vehicle defects into the final regulation through the China Automobile Distribution Association. Finally, due to the active interest articulation of automobile companies, policy making process was delayed or policies that were expected to benefit consumers were promoted to some extend. Therefore, it can be seen that there is a limit to define state-society relations in China simply as state corporatism, and rather it is more important to understand state-society relations in China as between state corporatism and societal corporatism including bottom-up interest articulations and aggregations and policy modification activities of various private or societal organizations.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.137-159
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• 2012

This is a dissertation about the state and cable television industry relationship during the early days of Kim Dae-Jung administration(1998.2-2000.1) in Korea. This study adopted historical approach and methodology of archival research. Offe's state theories of reproduction of late capitalism and the concept of Korean patriarchal state-led capitalism were suggested in this paper. Offe argued that the goal of the late capitalist state is successful capital accumulation and democratic legitimation with bureaucratic rationalization. For this purpose, the state intervenes market structuring by various plans and national policies. The Kim Dae-Jung administration reorganized cable television market with neo-liberalistic strategies and corporatist forms of policy-making. The government negotiated capitalists and civil society for managing capitalistic economy and cable television market in a horizontal relationship. Successful consequences of the market growth resulted in generating mass loyalty. The former administrations to the contrary, invisibly arranged state-led capitalism was an only alternative to the Kim Dae-Jung administration. The Korean state-led capitalism evolved gradually into different forms.

• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2004.04a
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• pp.949-969
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• 2004

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.43-49
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• 2022

This study aims to study Esping-Anderson's theory of welfare state system, develop a model of welfare state suitable for Korea's situation, and apply it to reality. In this research method, basic research and analysis of ideology is used, focusing on Esping-Anderson's welfare state system theory, and applying it appropriately to the Korean situation. Studies on the model of the welfare state have been studied after the classification of complementary and institutional models asserted by Willensky and Lebo in 1965. In addition, Esping-Andersen asserts three things as a model of the welfare state according to ideology. First, the role of the market is central to the liberal welfare system that best fits the image of classical capitalism, and individualistic solidarity through the market. The role of the state or family, which can be a hindrance, is actually marginalized. In addition, in order to maximize individualistic solidarity through the market, de-commodification in the national domain tends to be minimized. Second, the conservative welfare system has a strong familistic element, so the source of social solidarity is the family, and the state plays a role of supporting and supplementing the characteristics of this family. In the conservative system, de-commodification appears to be high among household heads, or the welfare system takes on a corporatist and nationalistic form, it can be said that these characteristics are reflected. Third, in the social democratic welfare system, the source of social solidarity is the state. Therefore, the role of the state is large, the state has a high possibility of decommodification, and it has the characteristics of substitutes for the family and the market through universalist intervention. This study applies Esping-Anderson's three welfare state models to study a model suitable for the Korean situation. In conclusion, Esping-Anderson's three welfare state models can be classified into a market-oriented model based on a liberal welfare system, a status-oriented model based on a conservative corporatist welfare system, and a solidarity-oriented model based on a social-democratic welfare system, presented a compromise between liberalism and conservatism as a Korean model.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.57 no.3
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• pp.277-304
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• 2005

The review of the literature shows that analysts tend to follow two approaches in their investigation of the differences in terms of the development of welfare state. The first approach focused on the logic of industrialization. In this account, technological and structural changes rather than political choices of ideological preferences and culture create the conditions for the emergence of welfare state. The second approach emphasizes the importance of the growth of unionization for the development of welfare state. However, this study analyses the development of welfare state by using cultural theory developed by Mary Douglas. Culture theory has a specific point of departure : the grid-group typology proposed by Mary Douglas. Group refers to the extent to which an individual is incorporated into bounded units. Grid denotes the degree to which an individual's life is circumscribed by externally imposed prescriptions. Hierarchical culture (high grid-high group) favors social conservatism, giving government the right to intervene in matters of social institutions. Germany and Japan belong to this culture. Individualistic culture (low grid-low group) reluctant to develop social insurance programs. Individuals who are bound by neither group incorporation nor prescribed roles inhabit an individualistic social context. Great Britain and the United Sates of America belong to this culture. Egalitarian culture (low grid-high group) prefer to develop social insurance program. Strong group boundaries couples with minimal prescriptions produce social relations that are egalitarian. Sweden belong to this culture.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.192-210
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• 2011

This paper attempts to analyze the Park regime's labor control strategy. Specifically, the research questions are twofold: (i) what strategy was it the Park regime adopted? and (ii) why did the Park regime adopt it? According to the analysis, the Park regime chose a mixed strategy based on state corporatism in the 1960s, while adopting a market mechanism strategy in the 1970s. The former tried to control unions by a state-created worker organization with the market, and the latter attempted to weaken unions as bargaining agent to a maximum extent by using market mechanism. The basic reason why the Park regime changed its labor control strategy was complex, (i) appearance of the unstable political ad economic signals and (ii) the ineffectiveness of the labor control strategy in the 1960s.

• KDI북한경제리뷰
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• v.21 no.10
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• pp.3-28
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• 2019

사회적기업, 협동조합, 소셜벤처 등 사회적경제의 부상으로 이들이 전체 경제에서 차지하는 비중이 커지고 있어 북한, 통일 관련 연구에서도 접목이 필요하다. 사회적경제는 북한·통일 문제와 어떤 연관이 있는지에 대해 통일정책과 통일 역량 강화의 측면에서 나누어 고찰했다. 전자에 포괄되는 주제로는 통일국가의 미래상, 북한경제의 유사성 및 변화가 있다. 후자와 관련되는 주제로는 남북교류협력, 북한이탈주민정책, 통일교육에 대한 함의를 다뤘다. 통일국가의 미래상과 관련하여 사회적경제는 통일경제의 부작용에 대한 완충기제로 작동할 수 있을 것으로 예상된다. 사회적경제는 자본주의의 발전에 따라 제기되는 사회적 문제를 해결하고자 하는 보완적 성격의 경제활동으로 이해된다. 따라서 향후 자유시장경제 방식의 통일이 진행되는 경우, 남한 자본주의의 문제점이 전 한반도로 확산되는 부작용에 대한 대안적 해결방안으로 작동할 수 있을 것으로 기대된다. 사회적경제가 북한경제, 나아가 사회주의 경제와 유사성이 있는지에 대해서는 논란이 있다. 향후 이에 대한 연구 성과에 따라 북한경제의 변화를 추동하는 동력으로서 사회적경제의 영향력을 가늠할 수 있을 것이다. 남북교류협력과 관련해서는 우선, 교류협력이 재개되는 경우 사회적경제기업의 참여를 어떻게 추동하고 지원할 것인지에 대한 대안을 내놓을 필요가 있다. 일반 기업 또한 사회적경제 관점을 활용해 북한 진출에 나설 수 있을 것으로 예상할 수 있고, 이 때 중요한 사회적경제의 키워드는 BOP 시장이다. 사회적경제는 북한이탈주민을 취약계층으로 자리매김하고 있는데, 향후에는 적극적으로 사회적경제의 창업의 주체로 육성할 필요성이 있다는 점도 제기하였다. 통일교육과 관련해서는 대상, 주체, 내용과 관련한 시론적 차원의 접근을 정리하였다. 사회적경제의 부상이 북한학 연구에 미치는 영향에 대해서는 더 많은 새로운 상상력의 발휘가 요구된다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.18
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• pp.269-303
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• 2002

This article presents a historical account of media role in the transition and consolidation period of democracy. Despite the assumption that media plays a important role in the construction of democracy, it is less clear how the media can affect the process of political change itself. This article seeks to answer some of these question, based on the Mill's macro-social comparative 'method of difference' of Korea and Spain. It is widely agreed that both states achieve democracy through transaction from above(pacts). Media role, however, differs significantly in accordance with authoritarian legacies and civic representativeness of the pacts. Whereas Korean dailies is deepening given market oligopoly and prior practices after democratization, Spain dailies market entirely changed in both structural and spiritual respects. As a result, Korean dailies substantially lacks in civic representativeness as before, contrary to Spain. Spain television settled a sort of the external pluralism. Korean television is pursuing the BBC type of internal pluralism. In Korea, television is more commercial than Spain. Consequently, Spain media serve the consolidation of democracy more than Korea on the whole.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.17-39
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• 2011

As recent inflows of foreign immigrants to relatively advanced countries in Northeast Asia have rapidly increased, Japan in particular uses 'multicultural coexistance' as a key concept for developing both discourse and policies on them. This paper is first of all to suggest a new typology of multicultural societies in the world ill order to differentiate the case of Northeast Asian countries from those of Western countries. And this paper is to suggest that foreign immigrants in Japan have different positions in labor markets and living experiences according to historical and social backgrounds as well as their nationality. The transformation process towards multicultural society is not only historical and social but also geographical and spatial, as foreign immigrants have made different spatial distribution and regional segregation in types. In order to control this socio-spatial process towards multicultural society, Japan has developed the concept of 'multicultural coexistence' similar with that of multiculturalism in Western countries. This concept seems to be quite significant as it has been initiated by local communities for symbiotic relationship between foreign immigrants and native Japanese dwellers. But it can be regarded as a strategic ideology to control foreign immigrants as it targets mainly on Nikkeijin, and is usually concerned with the cultural aspect. Seen from a theoretical point of view, this concept can be seen as closed with liberal multiculturalism as opportunity equity, but far from corporative multiculturalism as outcome equity, and it is on the process transferring from the first stage of tolerance to the second stage of legislation of nondiscrimination, while being distant from the third stage of legislation paradigmization of recognition, and hence appears to be easily reverted to assimilationism.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.143-148
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• 2022

The subject of this paper is the practical examples of technoculture that critically thinks network technology, a strong material foundation in the era of data capitalism in the 21st century, and appropriates its socio-cultural metaphor as an artistic potential. In order to analyze its alternatives and the meaning of cultural politics, this paper examines the properties and influence of data capitalism after the 2008 global financial crisis, and the cultural and artistic context formed by its reaction. The first case considered in this paper, Furtherfield's workshop, provided a useful example of how citizens can participate in social change through learning and education in which art and technology are interrelated. The second case, Greek hackerspace HSGR, developed network technology as a tool to overcome the crisis by proposing a new progressive cultural commons due to Greece's financial crisis caused by the global financial crisis and a decrease in the state's creative support. The third case, Paolo Cirio's project, promoted a critical citizenship towards the state and community systems as dominant types of social governance. These technoculture cases can be evaluated as efforts to combine and rediscover progressive political ideology and its artistic realization tradition in the context of cultural politics, paying attention to the possibility of signifying practices of network technology that dominates the contemporary economic system.