• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.18 no.4
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• pp.45-52
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• 2018

As the era of the 4th Industrial Revolution has progressed and the information and communication technologies have developed dramatically, the cyber threats will gradually become more intelligent and sophisticated. Therefore, in order to take systematic and prompt action in case of an accident while preparing measures against the threat, the role of intelligence agency is important. However, Korea is having difficulty in responding to the threats due to the lack of support for the national cybersecurity bill or the amendment bill of the National Intelligence Service. In this paper, I examine the cybersecurity function of the intelligence agency, the recent debate trends, and implications for the role of intelligence agency in our current situation. And then I intend to suggest some measures such as concentration on information gathering and analysis, enhancement of cyber threat prediction and response capacity, and strengthening of legal basis as a way to establish the role of intelligence agency for reinforcement of cybersecurity performance system.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.37
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• pp.29-50
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• 2013

With the recent global threats of terrorism as well as religious conflicts, Northeast Asian countries including South Korea, China, and Japan are experiencing particularly serious security crises as demonstrated by North Korea's threats of nuclear weapons testings and long-range missile launching as well as military provocation toward South Korea such as sinking of ROKS Cheonan and bombardment of Yeonpyeong island and the territorial dispute between China and Japan over Senkaku Islands(Diaoyu Islands). As a result, Park Geun Hye Administration of South Korea and the 2nd Abe Shinzo Cabinet of Japan, both recently established, are making efforts to improve their national security and crisis management policies. One of the key elements of such efforts is the strengthening of National Security Council(NSC) or its equivalent organization as the control tower of national security policy, modeled after the NSC of the United States. This paper compares NSC organization of Korea, the U.S., and Japan and draws policy insights focusing on the current political and national security situation South Korea is facing. Although organizational structure, function, and history of NSC of each country differs, it can be inferred from this comparison that NSC-type of organizations can play an important role as a control tower of security and emergency management policies.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.87-107
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• 2005

Land Remote Sensing' is defined as the science (and to some extent, art) of acquiring information about the Earth's surface without actually being in contact with it. Narrowly speaking, this is done by sensing and recording reflected or emitted energy and processing, analyzing, and applying that information. Remote sensing technology was initially developed with certain purposes in mind ie. military and environmental observation. However, after 1970s, as these high-technologies were taught to private industries, remote sensing began to be more commercialized. Recently, we are witnessing a 0.61-meter high-resolution satellite image on a free market. While privatization of land remote sensing has enabled one to use this information for disaster prevention, map creation, resource exploration and more, it can also create serious threat to a sensed nation's national security, if such high resolution images fall into a hostile group ie. terrorists. The United States, a leading nation for land remote sensing technology, has been preparing and developing legislative control measures against the remote sensing industry, and has successfully created various policies to do so. Through the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration's authority under the Land Remote Sensing Policy Act, the US can restrict sensing and recording of resolution of 0.5 meter or better, and prohibit distributing/circulating any images for the first 24 hours. In 1994, Presidential Decision Directive 23 ordered a 'Shutter Control' policy that details heightened level of restriction from sensing to commercializing such sensitive data. The Directive 23 was even more strengthened in 2003 when the Congress passed US Commercial Remote Sensing Policy. These policies allow Secretary of Defense and Secretary of State to set up guidelines in authorizing land remote sensing, and to limit sensing and distributing satellite images in the name of the national security - US government can use the civilian remote sensing systems when needed for the national security purpose. The fact that the world's leading aerospace technology country acknowledged the magnitude of land remote sensing in the context of national security, and it has made and is making much effort to create necessary legislative measures to control the powerful technology gives much suggestions to our divided Korean peninsula. We, too, must continue working on the Korea National Space Development Act and laws to develop the necessary policies to ensure not only the development of space industry, but also to ensure the national security.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.6 no.4
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• pp.39-43
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• 2020

Currently, the nation's military is facing a real threat due to a reduction in military service resources and shorter service periods. Based on the military view that puts security first, the military tried to draw its impact and implications on the future army by reflecting the general objective content that the Ministry of National Defense and other government agencies and international agencies share. In other words, this study looks at the direction of the perception of mainstream perspectives (realism, liberalism) on international order, and presents the direction and framework for establishing future security strategies for the Korean Peninsula on the basis of military relevance that reflects the essential characteristics of military organizations contributing to national security on the theory and prospects of international order.

• The Journal of Aerospace Industry
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• s.33
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• pp.96-129
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• 1995

• Maritime Security
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.1-29
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• 2023

For the last 70 years, the U.S.-led bilateral security system, or "Hub-and-Spokes" system, has been applied to Northeast Asia, and the system has been successfully settled in terms of stability and economic achievements of the region. Given the increasing complexity of the security environment of East Asia, it is plausible to consider the possibility of a security system shift from bilateral alliances to collective security. In order to analyze the driver of collective security system, this study developed three factors of formation and development of collective security system - main threat, intensity of the threat, and confidence among countries in the system - by reviewing international political theories related to security cooperation. Comparing the formation, development, and achievements of NATO and SEATO, the study figures out that the existence of the main threat, the high intensity of the threat, and the strong confidence among countries in the security system are the primary drivers for a successful collective security system. Based on the result, the study also analyzed the possibility of a security system shift in East Asia. Considering contemporary international conflicts such as U.S.-China strategic competition, Russia-Ukraine War, and growing threats posed by North Korean nuclear and missiles, the study anticipates that the necessity of a collective security system that will replace the current security system of the region would arise. Still, although some issues between countries should be overcome, the growing intensity of the threats will promote cooperation among countries by improving their confidence.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Information and Communication Engineering
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• v.14 no.7
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• pp.1729-1736
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• 2010

Government ships, the ships owned by a state and operated for non-commercial purposes (hereinafter, government ships) are entitled to sovereign immunity. In accordance with sovereign immunity under traditional international law, states enjoy immunity from the jurisdiction of courts of another state. Sovereign immunity is the general principle accomplished through judicial cases and international treaties since the 19th century. The problem is that the restriction of jurisdiction on foreign government ships in Korean jurisdictional waters is a considerable threatening factor on the maritime security situation. In spite of dubious intention of foreign government ships, the counter measures should be limited because of sovereign immunity.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.45
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• pp.107-127
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• 2015

The Chinese urge for the imperial power is a major threat to the today's peaceful international order. Such arrogant and delusional goal could be the very critical obstacle against the Korean security and national interests due to the geographical proximity. Today, the interesting dynamic of Uyghur nationalism, Uyghur terrorism, and the oppressive Chinese state terrorism could provide an meaningful prediction for the situation that the Korean nation may face in the future. In this regard, the present paper describes the interaction between Uyghur nationalism, Uyghur terrorism, and the Chinese state terrorism. The today's terrorism is a multi-dimensional security matter in that national independence, political and economic discrimination, non-state terrorism, and the hegemony competition among superpowers are intricately interrelated. Uyghur terrorism and related matter tend to show the nature of today's terrorism as a multi-dimensional security matter.

• Defense and Technology
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• no.9 s.127
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• pp.16-25
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• 1989

아세안은 군사/안보적 사안에서는 일체감을 형성하였다. 그러나 아세안 방위협력의 고차원적 요소는 아세안 국가간의 공중, 해상, 지상에서의 쌍무적인 군사연습이다. 앞으로 아세안은 지속적인 발전과 함께 쌍무적 협조관계가 강화되며, 궁극적으로 3자간 또는 4자간 협력의 성격을 띠게 될 가능성이 높다. 그러나 이는 시간을 요하며, 실무자들과 정책입안자들사이의 의견일치를 요구하는 것이다. 아세안 역외의 협력은 특히 다른 주요국가들과의 협력으로 확대될 가능성이 있다

• Defense and Technology
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• no.7 s.293
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• pp.58-73
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• 2003

그 동안 방산물자 수출 활성화에 관한 연구는 방산관련 전문가들에 의해 많이 연구되어 있지만 이에 따른 개선의 노력은 아직까지 미흡한 것으로 생각된다. 이는 방위산업 및 방산물자 수출에 관한 정부와 관련 방산업체간의 인식의 차이 등 여러 가지 원인들이 복합적으로 작용한 것으로 생각된다. 따라서 앞으로 정부는 방산업체를 안보의 동반자로서 자주 만나서 방산물자 수출에 대한 의견이 상호교환 되어야 하며, 방산업체는 단순한 이익 추구보다는 국가안보에 기여한다는 사명감과 자긍심을 가지고 경쟁력 있는 선진국형 방위산업 기반을 구축할 수 있도록 상호협력과 노력을 다해야 할 것이다.