• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.64
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• pp.51-79
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• 2020

This study was conducted to pursue Christian education with the socially underprivileged in the era of the Corona-19 pandemic. Corona-19 is a disaster which is caused, destroyed and exploited by human being. At the time of the indiscriminately spreading global pendemic, we must work together to overcome our selfish self-centeredness and make an attempt for everyone in need. It is a study on how humans can help each other survive in the era of Corona-19 and its post-corona. The problem is that there is too much discrimination between the state, race, and economic capacity, and in the end, the extreme discrimination of capitalism is appeared in society and across the country. There is no significant difference in the confirmation rate when Corona-19 infiltrates, but there is a big difference between those with and less in mortality. As a result, today's reality is that people who have a hard time living because they have less usually are far more vulnerable to blocking and defeating virus attacks. Unfortunately, this is the current situation. From the standpoint of a large discourse, attention is paid to climate change and ecological environment, and as a micro discourse, a number of societies who live with tremendous discrimination according to the gap between the rich and the poor (it is gender, race, disabled, nationality) that exist in almost all countries on the planet. We need attention to the weak. To this end, discourses on vaccine inequality, discourses on the needs of the disabled, discourses on different racial damages, discourses on polarization and dystopia, and discourses on educational inequality were treated as the reality faced by the socially underprivileged in the Corona 19 pandemic. To explore Christian education with the socially underprivileged, to explore ways of sharing, giving, and solidarity for win-win, discourse on inter-dependence and mutual responsibility of mankind, direct counter-measures for the socially underprivileged, and critical literacy education. He proposed a discourse on Korea, a discourse on Homo sapiens, which must return to being a part of creation, and finally a theology of friendship with the weak. Christian education based on Bible words must go forward in the era of the Corona 19 pandemic, hungry, naked, nowhere to go, sick, but dying because of being unable to get a remedy. He emphasized the need to establish a caring theology of friendship and pursue a life in which thought and practice harmonize. Thus, the paper proposed the spirit of Christian education not only doing something for the socially weak, but with the socially weak in the daily life.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.1-13
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• 2001

This paper is to examine what implications the regionalism in Spain has for its national development during the last two centuries. Since the beginning of the nineteenth century the regionalism (including territorial nationalisms in periphery) has played a central role in the history of Spanish state-formation. On the one hand, a strong regional identity was related to a structural weakness affecting Spanish nation-building and accused of forging the separatist national movements in the Basque, Catatonia Galicia and so on. On the other hand, the regionalism has contributed to enforcing the Spanish national consciousness in complex and contradictory ways. Therefore, on the contrary to our common understandings of regionalism, the Spanish regionalism has both enforced and counteracted the Spanish nationalism. In the late 1970s after the collapse of Franco regime, the long history of the Spanish regionalism resulted in a state system based on the regional political decentralization.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.25
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• pp.7-40
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• 2004

Today, nuclear energy conflict is caused from the dangerous radioactive material. The main party of this conflict are politic and economic systems which deride nuclear energy, and the persons concerned which it oppose and the anti-nuclear environment group. If the nuclear waste is transported from one nation to another nation, multi national anti-nuclear group appears as conflict party. We call this domestic and transnational risk communication new social movement. From the viewpoint of system theory, the new social movement can mean the offensive development of self-reference which withstand the "technicalization of communication" through the "symbolically generalized communication media" like money and power. By comparing Northeast Asia and Europe, the nuclear energy conflict did not show a big difference in the selection of nuclear waste storing site. In the Northeast Asia, when Taiwan exports the nuclear waste to North Korea, the international conflict broke out. In Europe, Germany has a hard experience with the construction-plan for the re-treating plant that produces the plutonium from the dangerous nuclear waste, and with the transnational transport of the nuclear waste. The new social movement aims the global paradigm which is able to guarantee the subtainability of ecological environment. The nuclear conflict in the "world risk society" is solved through the "discourse-alliance" which accomplishes sub-politics by crossing the border of class, nation and system.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.125-159
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• 2020

Amid global pandemic of covid-19, Korean government's response has drawn wide attention among social scientists as well as medical studies. The role of Korean state and civil society has attracted particular attention among others. Yet, this paper criticizes extant studies on Korean case which focus on the extensive intervention of the strong state and subjective attitude of Korean citizens in coping with covid-19. The concept of the strong state lacks social scientific specification and subjective citizens do not match with Korean realities. This article argues that Korean state's capacity in collecting and mobilizing digital data may offer better understanding for the successful responses to the pandemic. First, Korean state is the ultimate coordinator in collecting, analyzing and applying big data about the expansion of covid-19 with its huge network of dataveillance. Also, such role has been largely based upon relevant legal framework and well prepared manuals and cooperation with civic actors and companies. In other words, Korean digital dataveillance had demonstrated its transparency and cooperative governance. Second, such dataveillance capacity has deep roots in the long-term development of Korean state's big data management. Korean state has evolved about thirty years while enhancing digital data network within governments, companies and private sectors. Third, the relationship between Korean state's dataveillance and civil society can be characterized as a state centered push model. This model demonstrates highly effective governmental responses to covid-19 crisis but fall short of building social consensus in balancing individual freedom, human rights and effective containment policies. It means communitarian solidarity among citizens has not been a major factor in Korea's successful response yet.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.48 no.1
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• pp.46-56
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• 2020

The 88 Olympic Park is a monumental urban park in Seoul, developed to commemorate South Korea's hosting of the 1988 Seoul Olympic Games. Initially conceived to emphasize the event slogan, 'Cultural Olympics,' which was driven by the Korean government, the park, already designed and constructed by 1986, was reconfigured into a sculpture park following two international outdoor sculpture Olympiads and an invitational sculpture exhibition. This study takes a look at the process of redesigning the park into sculpture park and the socio-political discussions surrounding such a process, in order to reconsider the significance of the 88 Seoul Olympic Park with regards to Korean landscape architectural history. Several discussions within Korean society arose during the redesign process. First, there were critiques on the artwork selection during the early phase of the project. Second, issues regarding the conservation of the national heritage site, Mongchon-tosung, located within the park, gave rise to a larger discourse on heritage preservation in Seoul. Third, discussions regarding the formation of the park identity, or lack thereof, prevalent. Through this study, the 88 Seoul Olympic Park presents itself as an example where large park construction in Seoul caused discussions regarding globalization, nationalism, publicness and art to be brought forth. This paper concludes that the 88 Seoul Olympic Park is a cultural landscape that requires further examination and exploration as it provides rich historical context for understanding the history of cultural and artistic practices in Korean urban landscapes.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.1-50
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• 2016

This paper aims to investigate the cultural conflicts and characteristics of anti-Korean Wave discourse taken placed among Southeast Asian countries. To do this, it takes Vietnam and Indonesia as the study cases, which have been showing a trend of anti-Korean Wave discourse as well as high popularity of Hallyu. As research methods, the paper analyzes both on-line discourses of anti-Korean Wave and the email audience interviews from both countries. The results show some significant differences between the two countries as well as the similarity that Anti-Korean Wave discourses have been actively produced and disseminated through on-line media. As for Indonesia, the Anti-Korean Wave discourse pivots on the elements clashing between Indonesia's religion and cultural values and Korean consuming culture. According to the Anti-Korean Wave discourse, K-pop contents and entertainers are criticized for damaging the society's morals and cultural identities based on Islamic rules and values. Thus, the sentiment of the Anti-Korean Wave is likely to lead to the cultural nationalism for the sake of their cultural identity. As for Vietnam, anti-Korean Wave discourse mainly consists of issues on enthusiastic K-pop fans' anti-social behaviors and generational conflicts which are presumed attributed as the chief factor of the Anti-Korean Wave. In the Vietnamese discourse, social elites and adults treat the enthusiastic K-pop fans as those who are in need of educational care or psychological therapy. Unlike the Indonesian case, anti-Korean Wave discourse in Vietnam criticized the K-pop and the performer's competence for being cheap sexy and incompetence. They also denounce Korean dramas for their trite, typical story lines, use of excessive emotion, and unrealistic nature. However, the two country's interview participants have in common both acknowledged that rather than considering the Anti-Korean Wave as an issue that needs to be resolved it should be embraced as a natural cultural phenomenon.

• Proceedings of the Korea Technology Innovation Society Conference
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• 2017.11a
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• pp.569-589
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• 2017

최근 정부는 변화하는 환경에 조응하기 위한 혁신적인 국가 R&D 시스템의 도입 및 성과평가 준거 틀의 전환을 시도하고 있다. 이에 연구자 중심의 "정부 R&D 혁신방안(2015)"을 제안하고 기존의 추격형 R&D체제에서 벗어나 질적 우수성 추구로 패러다임 전환과 창의 도전적 R&D에 초점을 맞춘 평가방식, 그리고 행정시스템 간소화 등을 해결해야 할 주요 과제로 제안하고 있다. 하지만, 다양한 이해관계자가 제시한 지속적인 의견 등을 고려할 때, 변화 이슈에 대한 장기적인 R&D 시스템 전개방향은 공감되나, 실행단계에서 실효적 적용은 많은 논의가 필요해 보인다. 특히, 특정 집단의 이해관계를 벗어나기 힘든 경우, 편향된 이슈 및 정책 제안이 제시되거나, 제안된 정책 간 일관성 있는 논리를 설정하기 어렵거나, 불특정 다수의 이해관계자 집단 간 이익 대변 혹은 현실을 벗어나는 이상적인 방향을 제안하는 경우도 있다. 따라서 이해관계자를 넘어서는 통합적 관점에서 사회 전체적 여건을 고려하는 혁신적 국가 R&D 시스템에 대한 정책적 실행방안을 고민해 볼 필요성이 제기된다. 본 연구에서는 우리나라의 과학기술 혁신정책 및 R&D 성과, 주요국 관련 동향 등을 살펴보고 현행 R&D 추진 시스템을 사회 시스템 차원에서 바라보며, 제기되는 관련 이슈에 대한 비판적 담론과 쟁점을 정리 및 분석하였다. 또한, R&D 혁신주체 간 상호작용 및 추진 시스템 효율성 측면의 핵심 이슈를 분석하여 R&D 추진 시스템 중장기 구축방향과 한계도 체계적으로 살펴보았으며, 이를 정리한 실행전략을 제시하였다.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.51-82
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• 2002

This paper focuses on the process of national family politics through the project of family planning which became one of the main factors that brought the structural change in Korean families after 1960's. The family planning was established under the national project which was tightly driven by the government, and the new families were built artificially and coercibly by the plan rationality. The various and diverse forms of the national family politics were revealed in the process of the project. For example, the image of the modern families was forcedly adopted in order to justify the project, the families in this period were under microscopic surveillance in order to accomplish th e project effectively , etc. Modern nuclear families were derived through the economical and social support on the families only with a few number of children, and the structural change was made through the medical technique and support. Consequently, during the forty years after the project, the size of the families were reduced drastically, various and diverse forms of families were generated, and the modern family action and value were wide spread and generalized. Through the project, the government has been establishing th family patterns and norms which were so suitable to the modernization project that the families were able to be pulled into public sphere. The family problems in this process became very serious. However the government repeatedly forced the families to be the reoresentative of welfare state through new-modern political discourses. The welfare through the family is coerced to replace the weakness of welfare state. However the family is not the subject of the welfare, but the object of the welfare. The governmental family politics must make more efforts to gave the families to be the object to the welfare.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.349-392
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• 2019

In the 1960s of Korea, the normalization of diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan led to a sense of a vigorous anxiety and fear that "Japan will once again come to the Korean peninsula". As a reaction to this, the discourse on the criticism of 'Japanese Style' strongly emerged. If the prior discourse of criticism was to express the national antipathy toward the colonial remnants that had not yet been disposed of, the critical discourse of the 1960s was the wariness of the newly created 'Japanese Style' in popular culture, and to grasp it as a symptomatic phenomenon that 'evil-minded Japan' was revealed. Thus, this new logic of criticism of the 'Japanese Style' had a qualitative difference from the existing ones. It was accompanied by a willingness to inspect and censor the 'masses' that grew up as consumers of transnational 'mass culture' that flowed and chained in the geopolitical order under the Cold War system. Therefore, the topology of 'popular things=Japanese things=consuming things' reveals the paradox of moral demands that existed within Korean society in the 1960s. This was to solidify the divisive circulation structure that caused them to avoid direct contact with the other called 'Japan', but at the same time, get as close to it as ever. It is a repetitive obsession that pushes the other to another side through the moral segregation that strictly draws a line of demarcation between oneself and the other, but on the other hand is attracted to the object and pulls it back to its side. This paper intends to listen to the different voices that have arisen in the repetitive obsession to understand the significance of the dissonance that has been repeated in the contemporary era. This will be an examination of the paradoxical object of Japan that has been repeatedly asked to build the internal control principle of Korean society, or to hide the oppressive and violent side of the power, and that can neither be accepted nor destroyed completely as part of oneself.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.17-29
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• 2001

This paper serves to analyze discourses on remarriage of the widows at the beginning of the modernization era or during the enlightenment period of Korea (1860-1910). The discourses of newspapers and Shinsoseol which are the text of this study have been analyzed with the qualitative research technique. The major conclusions that are derived from the study are as follows: First, intellectuals during the enlightenment period claimed the unfairness of the prohibition from remarriage of the widows with especially focusing on financial difficulty and life-long loneliness of the young widows. Second, permission of remarriage of the widows was explained not with the point of vies of individual life of widow, but with the point of vies of strengthening the international competitiveness. Third, the discourse claimed that the widow should hold the power of decision of remarriage. Forth, the discourse emphasized the etiquette of the wedding ceremony in remarriage of widows. Fifth, the point that the faithfulness was not easy for a usual widow to obey made the faithfulness noble ethical principle of Korea society.