• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.129
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• pp.111-140
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• 2014

In this paper, the main subjects with which I deal are as follows: (1) Is Distancing Philosophy from the real ruling power a way of practical-philosophical resistance, based on social reformation as a axiological directivity of Kim Tae-Gil's ethical thought, though it is negative type of resistance? Or is it a sort of transformed value-free opportunist behavior which allows antidemocratic ruling group to coerce the people into submission, assuming an uncompromising stand seemingly? (2) Is Kim's defense argument on the opening of the course of National Ethics and the all-out activation of National Ethics education under Park's Yushin Regime derived from his own philosophical belief? Or is it brought out from the external conditions and circumstances surrounding Kim Tae-Gil which forces him to participate in the national undertaking for the settlement of the course of National Ethics in the university? The 'provisional' answers about the two subjects are as follows: (1) Kim's Distancing Philosophy is a type of practical philosophical revolt against the dictatorship power under Yushin Regime, though it is negative form of resistance. We can accept this philosophical elucidation above all by confirming the fact that the reform of reality is the main ethical trait running through his entire ethical thought system. However distancing philosophy disclose the crucial limits to allow itself to boil to the philosophical practice compromising with real ruling power eventually, though it is intended upon its own social ethical directivity and conviction. (2) The primary factor which affects Kim to propose such an advocation argument on the course of National Ethics and the education of National Ethics is the external conditions and circumstances surrounding him, especially the power-relation between he and ruling group and intimate human relation between he and his superior philosophers who carries out the role of a ideologue for the Yushin Regime, rather than his own philosophical belief. But no matter what primary factor, Kim's action to make a advocating argument to support the course and the education of National Ethics is to blame, on that account that he cannot adequately his social responsibility and role given to him as a reformist moral philosopher who will pursue the realization of righteous democratic society. Along with that, It is not too enough to criticize him sharply for such defending action. The reason is that his supporting stance for National Ethics education is brought out, by not adhering closely to the philosophical way of distancing from the dictatorial power devoid of political legitimacy and moral justification.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.2
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• pp.70-81
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• 2013

In this study, the locational and constructional characteristics of Jukrimseowon, pavilion Imrijeong, and Palgwaejeong located in Nonsan, Ganggyung-eup were reviewed and the interrelation of these three places were studied through references including records of those days; Sagyeyonbo(沙溪年譜), Jukrimseowon dorok(竹林書院都錄), Imrijeonggi(臨履亭記), Jukrimseowon Myojeongbi(竹林書院廟庭碑), Namyurok(南遊錄). The result is as follows. Jukrimseowon enshrining Yukhyeon(六賢) is arranged as 'Hongsalmoon-Woisalmoon-Dongjae(憲章堂; Heonjangdang)' and 'LIbrary-Naesammoon(神門; shin moon)-Sau(竹林祠: Jukimsa)', excluding a lecture hall. In case of Sagye Jangsang Kim's Imrijeong(沙溪金長生) and Uam Shiyoel Song(尤庵宋時烈)'s Palgwaejeong respectively constructed 50 meters and 10 meters each away from Jurimseowon, detail designs such as scale, roofs, surface, windows, doors, and tablets as well as its prospect are nearly identified. Especially Taking Imrijeong and Palgwaejeong's locational conditions composed of rocks centered on Jukrimseowon, those are maintain the bilateral symmetry as much as possible and surround the shrine. It appeared that the Jukrimseowon's shrine enshrining Yulgok(栗谷) and Ugye(牛溪) was rebuilt during the reconstruction of auditoriums because of political conditions after the renovation of Kiing Injo and it was called as 'Hwangsanseowon(黃山書院)' with Imrijeong which was a lecture hall. It was an inevitable consequence to keep the bilateral symmetry which is a basic order of auditorium structure by maintaining and using Imrijeong and Palgwaejeong as a lecture hall of the auditorium after the reconstruction at least. Consequently, the desperate attempt to adjust the arrangement and visual imbalance of Imrijeong built with periodical differences and Hwangsanseowon resulted from the construction of shrine was Palgwaejeong built under Monggoibyuk of Hwansan Taken these circumstances together, Jukrimseowon is a 'shrine-centered auditorium' with characteristics of auditorium, constructed by integrating Imrijeong which was used as a lecture hall after the construction of shrine and Palgwaejeong repaired through the reconstruction. The construction of Palgwaejeong and the formative conformity with Imrijeong are assumed as an consequence intended for the compensation of Jukrimseowon's function and role as an auditorium. This study will provide an opportunity to focus on the auditorium and pavilion's complementary function as well as the Confucian and constructional functions by revealing the fact that pavilions were established as a complementary facility for the lecture hall of auditorium.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.45 no.6
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• pp.98-114
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• 2017

This study analyzed the commemorative landscapes of eight Holocaust concentration camp memorials(HCCM) of Germany and Poland from a landscape architecture point of view including historical landscape, places and remains, and monuments. A site survey was conducted at Dahau concentration camp memorial(CCM) and Bergen-Belsen CCM of Germany in September of 2015 and the Auschwitz-Birkenau extermination camp memorial(ECM), Majdanek ECM, Belzec ECM, Sobibor ECM, Treblinka ECM, Chelmno ECM of Poland in April of 2016. The results are as follows. First, the landscape of the concentration camp at Dahau CCM, Auschwitz ECM, and Majdanek ECM liberated by the Allied Forces was well conserved with the maintenance of camp facilities and the spatial structure of camps while monuments and memorials seized by sociopolitical argument were built with restriction. But Belzec ECM, Sobibor ECM, Treblinka ECM, and Chelmno ECM devastated and planted artificially to forest were overwhelmingly surrounded with natural landscape, and also, excavated relics and remains were preserved and the monuments were built at the place of memory. Second, gas chambers, crematoriums, guard posts, electric wire fences, railroads and ramps, barracks, and drainage ditches were considered to be typical facilities present in the camp structure and the gas chambers, crematoriums, human ashes, and mass graves demonstrated the horrible history of these camps and the railroad and ramp where Jewish prisoners arrived also had the strong sense of place. These remains were regarded as symbolic elements to create a memory of the tragedy and place. Third, commemoration of victims was applied as the basic concept and recalling the memory of the Holocaust was also considered very important content. Religious reconciliation and peace was represented at Dahau CCM and the Jewish identity was strongly expressed at Treblinka ECM and Belzec ECM representing the Jewish community and Judaism. Fourth, the monuments with semi-abstract styles and abstract sculptures represented the Holocaust symbolically and narratively and came into the conflict caused by the abstractness to the memorial landscape at Auschwitz-Birkenau ECM and Bergen-Belsen CCM. Fifth, remains for recalling the memory of tragedy and place and symbolic monuments to stand for public memory were juxtaposed at the same place and preserving on the authenticity of camp site had been conflicted with monumentalizing intentionally. Further study will required a concrete investigation of the monuments in the HCCM and an attempt to comparatively study the commemoration characteristics of memorials in Korea.

• Journal of The Korean Association For Science Education
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• v.41 no.3
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• pp.237-250
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• 2021

Teachers play a key role in designing a students' learning experience. Teachers are asked to interpret the context in which they are located and to adjust their practice to fit circumstantial needs based on their teacher agency. In this study, we explore the emergence of teacher agency in distance learning caused by COVID-19 and we analyze factors shaping the teacher agency. For this purpose, we interviewed six secondary science teachers who practiced distance learning in 2020. Semi-constructed interviews and their artifacts were collected and analyzed. This study shows that teacher agency is captured when they respond to circumstantial change and modify their practice to achieve their professional purpose or adjust their practice in space for maneuvering or keep their practice consistent. This study also analyzes the factors that affect the emergence of teacher agency in two dimensions. One is individual and the other is contextual. In the individual dimension, educational values shaped by his/her experiences and short/long-term goals for the future support the emergence of teacher agency. In the contextual dimension, there are collaborative and flexible culture shared by the community, co-operation within the teacher community, and material support. On the other hand, in the individual dimension, the teachers' sense of their role, and no reflection for own practice constrain the emergence of teacher agency, and in the contextual dimension, performativity discourse and strong requirement without guidance constrain the emergence of teacher agency. We suggest an effective lens for establishing a strategy that support teachers' professional practice and the emergence of teacher agency.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.539-570
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• 2017

This article is for considering and looking through the meaning of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) Hiku-ka of Kobayashi Issa before reviewing and adapting Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in Eastern Asia. Issa wrote his works by using Hyanghwa-Gucheop in 1803, and he had adopted it as his creative works of Hikai absorbing Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) for about half a year. There has been no national study about this so far, and this study covered the aspects of Issa's adapting way of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in Japan and China. There have been several problems that the contents were limited to Guo-feng and there were no agreement of terminology as well among researchers. To overcome these limitations, therefore, this article aimed at all the works, rejected the view point as just a translation, and denominated this study as Haiku-ka. Above all, this study looked though Issa's Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) by splitting the aspects of Haiku-ka into borrowing topics and materials. In borrowing topics, the works with the topics of homesick and nostalgic parents stood out. Furthermore, annotations and understandings of Issa's original works were deeply involved. In borrowing materials, the original meanings in the works were transformed and changed or even reinterpreted by their own way. Eliminating sublime emotions, furious tone, and condemnation was main characteristic of Haiku-ka in Classic of Poetry(Shi jing). Besides, there were ways of exclusion of reasoning, deviating from the viewpoint of Sigyo(edification by poetry), not including moral senses. In other words, Issa used habits and impressions like the way of Haiku when he was doing Haiku-ka in Classic of Poetry(Shi jing). The meaning that Issa's Hiku-ka of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) stood out compared to adaptation of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in Eastern Asia. Although Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in Vietnam was transferred in the form of the poem in Vernacular, the meaning and contents were not changed. Moreover, the original works and characters in Joseon were not destroyed because Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) was not liberally translated but literally. However, Issa transferred the Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in the form of the poem in Vernacular to reveal the value of popular ballads. This was a different adapting way of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) from that in Eastern Asia.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.60-77
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• 2020

An assumption can be made that, as a start point for the recognition and utilization of cultural heritage, the "choice" of such would reflect the cultural ideology of the ruling power at that time. This has finally been proved by the case of Korea in the 20th century. First, in the late Korean Empire (1901-1910), the prevailing cultural ideology had been inherited from the Joseon Dynasty. The main objects that the Joseon Dynasty tried to protect were royal tombs and archives. During this time, an investigation by the Japanese into Korean historic sites began in earnest. Stung by this, enlightened intellectuals attempted to recognize them as constituting independent cultural heritage, but these attempts failed to be institutionalized. During the 1910-1945 Japanese occupation, the Japanese led investigations to institutionalize Korean cultural heritage, which formed the beginning of the current cultural heritage management system. At that time, the historical investigation, designation, protection, and enhancement activities led by the Japanese Government-General of Korea not only rationalized their colonial occupation of Korea but also illustrated their colonial perspective. Korean nationalists processed the campaign for the love of historical remains on an enlightening level, but they had their limits in that the campaign had been based on the outcome of research planned by the Japanese. During the 1945-2000 period following liberation from Japan, cultural heritage restoration projects took places that were based on nationalist ideology. People intended to consolidate the regime's legitimacy through these projects, and the enactment of the 'Cultural Heritage Charter' in 1997 represented an ideology in itself that stretched beyond a means of promoting nationalist ideology. During the past 20 centuries, cultural heritage content changed depending on the whims of those with political power. Such choices reflected the cultural ideology that the powers at any given time held with regard to cultural heritage. In the background of this cultural heritage choice mechanism, there have been working trade-off relationships formed between terminology and society, as well as the ideological characteristics of collective memories. The ruling party has tried to implant their ideology on their subjects, and we could consider that it wanted to achieve this by being involved in collective memories related to traditional culture, so called-choice, and utilization of cultural heritage.