• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.3
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• pp.258-277
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• 2020

The purpose of this paper is to examine the paintings and symbols of the Jeju Guandeokjeong murals, Treasure No. 322. Gwandeokjeong Pavilion in Jeju is one of the oldest buildings in Jeju and was built in 1448 during the reign of King Sejong (世宗) of the Joseon Dynasty to serve as a training ground for soldiers. Unlike Gwandeokjeong Pavilions in other regions, Jeju's Gwandeokjeong Pavilion has a long history and is of cultural value due to its beautiful architecture. In addition, it contains various murals which are a further source of attention. There are four murals on the front and back of the two Lintels on the left and right sides of the building. Their contents include of 『The Three Kingdoms (三國志)』 and and on the back. Towards the right, is depicted, with on the back. Based on a replica of the murals from 1976, the plan, style, and age of the Gwandeokjeong Pavilion murals have been studied, together with their meanings. The contents of the mural are broadly divided into five parts, which are identified by the tacit signatures atop the screen, which provide such details as the painting titles. The paintings on the left and right sides of the center appear to inspire the spirit of the military's commerce in order to boost soldiers' morale, protect the country, and protect the people in line with the purpose of Gwandeokjeong Pavilion. The following and figuratively depict guidelines for the behavior and mindset of officials. In particular, is a painting concerned with concepts of longevity and an auspicious (吉祥), which shows how court paintings became popular as folk paintings at that time. The paintings of tangerines and other specialties of Jeju Island, the ritual paintings of Jeokbyeokdaejeon, and the expressions of Mt. Halla (漢拏山) and Oreum (오름) indicate the existence of Jeju artists that belonged to the Jeju government office at that time. The five themes and styles of the murals also show that the murals of Gwandeokjeong Pavilion were produced in the late 19^th and early 20^th centuries.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.119-129
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• 2012

Yongdoseo and Guimunwon are described in "Bokgeo(卜居, fixabode)" of "Sanlimkyengje(山林經濟)" written by Manseon Hong. This record is a unique garden conceptual idea applying the principles of Hetu(河圖) and Luoshu(洛書), fanciful gardens which have not been actually constructed. Here, two garden types were concretely described respectively, however the underlying meaning therein cannot be apprehended without exact understanding about Sangsu studies. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to illuminate the meaning contained in Garden illustration and the historical meaning of landscape therein through considering this text. To achieve the purpose of this study, the writer and the compiler who are the background of this writing and the outline of Sangsu studies were investigated. Also, the principles of Saengsu(生數), Seongsu(成數), Yin Yang(陰陽), Four Bodies(四象), Palgwedo(八卦圖), etc. which are in Hetu and Luoshu were considered. The result of this study went through this research process is summarized as follows. First, Hetu Luoshu are conceptual definitions which wholly abstracted the basic propositions of Sangsu philosophy such as the universe change principle, etc., while Yongdoseo and Guimunwon can be said to be operational definitions which apply those as garden composition principle, enabling to experience the meaning contained therein concretely and explain it in a replicable way. This attempt is a unique example, unprecedented in Chinaas well. Second, as a livingspace, garden was selected as a means to concretize operational definitions about the meaning of Hetu Luoshu, and as the property to reproduce the bearings concept, the location and the number, etc. of Hetu Luoshu, Taegukjeong(太極亭), Shipjagak(十字閣), Dondae(墩臺), well, pond as well as various kinds of trees were used. Third, the main motif of Yongdoseo and Guimunwon is the relation between Apriority(先天) and Posterior(後天), and the relation between Constitution(體) and Use(用) of Hetu and Luoshu respectively. That is, Yongdoseo planted evergreen trees such as Shipjangcheong(十長靑) in order to symbolize the universe creation principle which Hetu stands for, i.e. silent, harmonious, orderly and win-win image. In Guimunwon, flowering trees(花木) and fruit trees(果木) were planted freely to express the change of Posterior which Luoshu stands for, thatis, dynamic, disharmonious, disorderly, incompatible(相剋) and changing image. The effects intended to be attained through such planting were, 'freshness and cheerfulness(淸爽)' of Yongdoseo and 'splendidness' of Guimunwon respectively. Sangsu studies based on Hetu and Luoshu is a unique thinking system to the Orient which came from the accumulated wisdom of several scholars from various schools through a long period since ancient times. Therefore, the concept and the theory thereof are profound and huge, and its viewpoints of interpretation are diverse. It is a limit of this study that more in-depth and various consideration was not performed. As a further research project, more empirical study of Orientalism such as Sangsu studies, etc. inherent in Traditional Garden is necessary.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.61-77
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• 2011

This study focused on relevant rock names related to Sinsun(神仙) which had been settled as Taoist traces were combined with places. While interpreting major features of Sundoism relevant rocks, it also discussed types and places of rocks reflected in their names by considering distinct characteristics of landscape characters that ancestors viewed through the rocks or on the rocks. Conclusion of this study is summarized as follows. 1. Among the rock names related to Sinsun, the most frequently discovered one was Sinsunbawi(52) and followed by Sinsunbong(神仙峰: 38), Sinsundae(神仙臺: 31). Other than these, there were Gangsundae(降仙臺: 12), Sunyoodae (仙遊臺: 10) and Sasundae(四仙臺: 5). 2. In the name of Sinsundae, 'Dae(臺)' ascertains that it was located in greatly superb place in the aspects of viewpoint and appreciation where landscape superiority and overlook scenery were fair and outstanding. 3. Sinsunbong was named for a peak of mountain. At the same time, it implied a notion of worship with images of 'merging with sky' or 'looking up.' Most of time, Sinsunbong indicated the tallest rock in the mountain chain. 4. A significant number of Sinsunbong had names where legends of Sinsun's Go game or descent were originated from. It shows that 'Sinsun(仙) and Go game' used to be very important motives for folk etymology of Sinsun related rocks. Along with the Sinsundae, a number of Sinsunbawi were also turned out to exist in land and ocean with excellent marine view. 5. According to analysis of their altitudes and heights of the peaks where the rocks belong to, Sinsunbong, Sinsundae and Sinsunbawi were in order. It might indicate that the rocks were located on top of mountain or that Sinsunbong represented the mountain itself. Compared to this, Sinsundae was located in where distant panoramic views were overlooked. It was not necessarily to be in peak but in where with a great view like Taoist world. On the other hand, Sinsunbawi was located in where has fine scenery and great valley not so far from villages, which proved its name had been influenced by place feature not altitude. 6. Feature of rock with Sinsun related name is to comprise visual stability of worship object with close linkage to attitude of worshiper. Considering its deep connection with communicative method of worship object and worshiper, seemingly it was main factor to lead folk etymology of rocks with Sinsun related names. 7. Rock is an object with the greatest implication of Sinsun imagination and Sinsun rocks show most clearly the fact that Taoism, which used to be considered as inaccessible, had been actualized in a visual and realistic manner with the change of time.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.1-13
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• 2012

This study aimed at learning the values and meanings of the letters carved on the rocks all over Mt. Sangdu located at the boundary between Kimje-si and Jeongeup-si of Jeollabuk-do by grasping the current state of them, investigating the patterns and contents of them, and understanding the spatial and landscape properties of the region where the rocks are scattered. The results of this study are as follows; The name of Mt. Sangdu came from the mountain with the same name located in India where Buddha were seeking the truth, and means auspicious. With the recognition of ancient maps and books, various propitious spots also made the landscape symbols of Mt. Sangdu solidify. Whoam, Chaangsuk-Kim, Weolgye Young-Cho Song and the members of Cheonggye Society like Dongcho Seok-Gon Kim led the creation of the rocks, and the 41 letter-carved rocks all over four water systems were found out and all of them were carved with Chinese characters. The letters were usually carved on flat and broad rocks, and they mainly had the shape of a small waterfall and a wide waterfall of under 1 meter height. 25(60.9%) of the carved letters were about moral training, and it seemed that they wanted to protect their pride under the shackle of the Japanese colonization over Korea. The styles of handwriting are Hangseo and Jeonseo except for names, and show various and complex styles. The mix composition of the carved letters of 'Yusubulbu(流水不腐)' of Choseo and the rocks of Takjok(濯足) is extraordinary, and the letters carved as the shape of Nakkwan(落款) have artistic value and degree of finishing. It seemed that intellectuals during the Japanese colonization over Korea in the 1930s considered Mt. Sangduasa highly valuable region because they expressed their hope and wish for the new world on the rocks. The letters on the rocks of Mt. Sangdu are invaluable cultural landscaping elements for the improvement of landscaping symbolism of Mt. Sangdu because of colliding values and spirits of the time of 'the anguish and pain of intellectuals' and 'the status of living joyfully outside of the mundane world.'

• Korean Journal of Mineralogy and Petrology
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.345-353
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• 2022

This study aimed to fundamentally understand changes of cell parameters of cation-exchanged mordenites using high resolution X-ray powder diffraction for studies that immobilization of various heavy metal cation using synthesis mordenite (Na_6.6Al_6.6Si_41.4O₉₆·20.4H₂O, Na-MOR). As a results of measurement by Thermogravimetric analysis (TGA), it was confirmed that 19.4, 20.4 water molecules per unit cell were present in monovalent-cation substituted MOR (Cs-MOR, Na-MOR), and 21, 23.1, 23.2 water molecules per unit cell were present in divalent-cation substituted MOR (Pb-MOR, Sr-MOR, Cd-MOR). The space group of all the samples were identified as Cmcm belonging to the orthorhombic crystal system. Compared to Na-MOR, starting material, relative peak intensity of (110) and (200) is significantly changed after cation substitution whereas peak position is almost similar. Also, (220) peak that was not found in Na-MOR was clearly observed in Pb-, Cd- and Sr-exchanged MOR. Thus, it was estimated that changes of atomic distribution usually occurred on ab-plane while changes of cell parameters were little. Detailed changes in the cell parameters of cation-exchanged mordenites were derived from whole profile fitting method using the GSAS suite program. Changes in the axial lengths and unit cell volume of cation substitution showed different relationship depending on ionic radius and charge number. In case of monovalent-cation substituted MOR, the length of a-axis increases whereas the length of b- and c-axis decrease by absorbed cation radius. In the case of divalent-cation exchanged MOR, the length of a-axis usually decreases while the length of b- and c-axis increases by cation radius. It was confirmed that unit cell volume of monovalent and divalent cation substituted MORs had an independent tendency by cation radius.

• Korean Journal of Mineralogy and Petrology
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• v.34 no.3
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• pp.169-176
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• 2021

This study aimed to fundamentally understand structural changes of zeolite under pressure and in the presence of different pressure-transmitting media (PTM) for application studies such as immobilization of heavy metal cation or CO₂ storage using pressure. High-pressure X-ray powder diffraction study was conducted on the zeolite-W (K_6.4Al_6.5Si_25.8O₆₄× 15.3H₂O, K-MER) to understand linear compressibility and the bulk moduli in different PTM conditions. Zeolite-w is a synthetic material having the same framework as natural zeolite merlinoite ((K, Ca_0.5, Ba_0.5, Na)₁₀ Al₁₀Si₂₂O₆₄× 22H₂O). The space group of the sample was identified as I4/mmm belonging to the tetragonal crystal system. Water, carbon dioxide, and silicone-oil were used as pressure-transmitting media. The mixture of sample and each PTM was mounted in a diamond anvil cell (DAC) and then pressurized up to 3 GPa with an increment of ca. 0.5 GPa. Pressure-induced changes of powder diffraction patterns were measured using a synchrotron X-ray light source. Lattice constants, and bulk moduli were calculated using the Le-Bail method and the Birch-Murnaghan equation. In all PTM conditions, linear compressibility of c-axis (𝛽^c) was 0.006(1) GPa^-1 or 0.007(1) GPa^-1. On the other hand, the linear compressibility of a(b)-axis (𝛽^a) was 0.013(1) GPa^-1 in silicone-oil run, which is twice more compressible than the a(b)-axis in water and carbon dioxide runs, 𝛽^a = 0.006(1) GPa^-1. The bulk moduli were measured as 50(3) GPa, 52(3) GPa, and 29(2) GPa in water, carbon dioxide, and silicone-oil run, respectively. The orthorhombicities of ac-plane in the water, and carbon dioxide runs were comparatively constant, near 0.350~0.353, whereas the value decreased abruptly in the silicone-oil run following formula, y = -0.005(1)x + 0.351(1) by non-penetrating pressure fluid condition.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.26-44
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• 2017

Regarded as Korea's traditional pond, Gungnamj Pond was surmised to be "Gungnamji" due to its geological positioning in the south of Hwajisan (花枝山) and relics of the Gwanbuk-ri (官北里) suspected of being components to the historical records of Muwang (武王)'s pond of The Chronicles of the Three States [三國史記] and Sabi Palace, respectively, yet was subjected to a restoration following a designation to national historic site. This study is focused on the distortion of authenticity identified in the course of the "Gungnamji Pond" restoration and the invention of tradition, whose summarized conclusions are as follows. 1. Once called Maraebangjuk (마래방죽), or Macheonji (馬川池) Pond, Gungnamji Pond was existent in the form of a low-level swamp of vast area encompassing 30,000 pyeong during the Japanese colonial period. Hong, Sa-jun, who played a leading role in the restoration of "Gungnamji Pond," said that even during the 1940s, the remains of the island and stone facilities suspected of being the relics of Gungnamji Pond of the Baekje period were found, and that the traces of forming a royal palace and garden were discovered on top of them. Hong, Sa-jun also expressed an opinion of establishing a parallel between "Gungnamji Pond" and "Maraebangjuk" in connection with a 'tale of Seodong [薯童說話]' in the aftermath of the detached palace of Hwajisan, which ultimately operated as a theoretical ground for the restoration of Gungnamj Pond. Assessing through Hong, Sa-jun's sketch, the form and scale of Maraebangjuk were visible, of which the form was in close proximity to that photographed during the Japanese colonial period. 2. The minimized restoration of Gungnamji Pond faced deterrence for the land redevelopment project implemented in the 1960s, and the remainder of the land size is an attestment. The fundamental problem manifest in the restoration of Gungnamji Pond numerously attempted from 1964 through 1967 was the failure of basing the restorative work in the archaeological facts yet in the perspective of the latest generations, ultimately yielding a replication of Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. More specifically, the methodologies employed in setting an island and a pavilion within a pond, or bridging an island with a land evidenced as to how Gungnamji Pond was modeled after Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. Furthermore, Chihyanggyo (醉香橋) Bridge referenced in the designing of the bridge was hardly conceived as a form indigenous to the Joseon Dynasty, whose motivation and idea of the misguided restoration design at the time all the more devaluated Gungnamji Pond. Such an utterly pure replication of the design widely known as an ingredient for the traditional landscape was purposive towards the aesthetic symbolism and preference retained by Gyeongbok Palace, which was intended to entitle Gungnamji Pond to a physical status of the value in par with that of Gyeongbok Palace. 3. For its detachment to the authenticity as a historical site since its origin, Gungnamji Pond represented distortions of the landscape beauty and tradition even through the restorative process. The restorative process for such a historical monument, devoid of constructive use and certain of distortion, maintains extreme intimacy with the nationalistic cultural policy promoted by the Park, Jeong-hee regime through the 1960s and 1970s. In the context of the "manipulated discussions of tradition," the Park's cultural policy transformed the citizens' recollection into an idealized form of the past, further magnifying it at best. Consequently, many of the historical sites emerged as fancy and grand as they possibly could beyond their status quo across the nation, and "Gungnamji Pond" was a victim to this monopolistic government-led cultural policy incrementally sweeping away with new buildings and structures instituted regardless of their original space, and hence, their value.