• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.161-185
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• 2012

This thesis reorganized the life of Mrs. Yun who was a noble woman in the middle of the Joseon period with main material of Seopo, Kim, Man Joong(1637-1692)'s "Seonbijungkyungbuinhaengjang(先?貞敬夫人行狀)" and considered yeosa(女師)'s image of noble woman embodied by her son. Although women who were remarkable in premodern period nurtured their son well and they became excellent, it's easy that the life of their mother can be hidden by sons' shadow. Luckily, materials of Mrs. Yun were kept by her descendants, so people could analogize how she could endure difficulties and how she educate her children. In a word, the life of Mrs. Yun can be yeosa(女師)'s life. She was born as a only daughter of the best ancestry in the period and grown to be a considerable woman with strong will and discipline under the strict training of her grandmother, Junghye Ongju. And then, she married Gwangsan Kimmun, the best literature house of Joseon period, but her husband, Kim, Ik Kyum was died by unexampled difficulty, Byungjahoran. During the tribulation, Mrs. Yun was in charge of not only parents supporting but also two sons' education excellently. She educated not only her children but also grandchildren and nephews around her, so she had extraordinary passion and sincerity for the education. As the result, she enjoyed a glory that two sons and grandchildren became on daejehak. Mrs. Yun was living with thrift and saving continuously regardless of her circumstances. When her granddaughter became inkyungwanghoo who is a wife of sookjong, she didn't kick her common habit and trained strictly the mind of family members who could be easily in disorder. In spite of the richness, he obeyed manners and showed thrift and saving continuously and thoroughly. When there was a crisis in her family, the first son, Kim, Man Ki was died and the second son, Kim, Man Joong and grandson went into exile during the continuous political upheaval. But, she supported her house, obeyed the rules and promised the future. At that time, she continuously encouraged grandchildren and the eldest grandsons of the head family to study without any stop for themselves in spite of the difficulties. Mrs. Yun pursued truly valuable life. She considered that the life which didn't get praised by other people wasn't valid although he or she lived a pleasant life in luck and richness. Mrs. Yun was a true teacher yeosa (女師) who placed a true value on the life enduring hardship and poorness without fear and becoming an example of other people.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.39-71
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• 2012

This paper examines Jang Hyeongwang's cultural awareness and the way of practice by focusing on his spirit of humanities in relation to the understanding of territory and bibliographic materials. In fact, this starts from conflicting evaluations on Jang Hyeongwang's way of learning in the field of Korean history. Jang Hyeongwang emphasizes realization of humanity, which is considered as basic framework of culture. He claims the indivisibility of Dao(道) and culture(mun文) by arguing that almighty principle of Dao manifests itself through phenomena of culture. In other words, Dao is the root of culture and, at the same time, culture is the necessary element of making Dao valuable. Furthermore, he insists that realization of human culture is the gist of manifesting the pattern of nature. In this vein, the roles of human beings are so important in creating humanistic civilization. He considers all kinds of human affairs as the contents of humanistic culture, which are contained in six classics. Especially, He says that the moral is reality of human culture and that literature is a literal expression of humanistic spirit. Thus, he criticizes that there are literatures without moral practices. He pays a special attention to his indigenous culture. He links the cultural understanding of geography, which is the foundation of realizing humanistic spirit, to awareness of Korean territory and grasps the territory in the light of topography of geographic power. Thus, he defines it as "Central Field" which bears comparison with China (middle kingdom). With the positive understanding of his country, he insisted that Korean indigenous culture and custom are as much advanced as China and was so proud of the moral characters and norms that Korean people had formed so far. Moreover, Jang truly exhibited affection to Korean literature, which had formed through Korean history. Kim Hyu, one of his students, activates Jang's will to preservation of Korean culture. Over twenty years, Kim completed Collected Record of Korean Literatures(haedong munhon ch'ongnok 海東文獻總錄). Actually, he started the preparatory works for compiling them. We should keep in mind that this compilation was completed following Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592. It means that he has cultural awareness of preserving Korean literal heritages. Hence, it can be evaluated as the results of the enhancement of national studies. We have seen that He truly highlights realization of humanistic spirit by insisting the practices of moral values. In fact, his mind is linked to genuine affection to Korean territory, culture and literatures. Such affection can be paraphrased as moral awareness of humanity and its practices. In conclusion, his humanistic spirit should be understood as strong belief on universality of human morality. His cultural awareness of homeland and the will to practices should be considered as cultural pride of Korean intellectual traditions rather than following Chinese culture blindly.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.43
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• pp.7-31
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• 2011

Danjong had suffered the worst misfortune in the history of Lee Dynasty. His throne was usurped by Sejo, his uncle and he was banished to Youngwol where he ended his life for good. Youngwol remembers the last moment of this tragic person clearly through the various traditional stories passed down from the past. In this study, the works assumed to be formed in the contemporary times among Danjong-related stories were targeted. Time of story creation is not known but it could be assumed that the time when heroine of the story was lived may be coincided with the time of traditional story creation, in this story created in a form of experience story. If any objects or elements that may lead to time of traditional story are contained in the story, we may be able to identify the time of traditional story. All of , and were created in the contemporary times. However, these traditional stories are not new at all. If any personal experience story is added on the existing transmitted traditional story, deviation of traditional story near to recreation is taken place. Traditional Danjong story created like this in the contemporary times have some characteristics. First, transmission power of maintaining Danjong story up to the present times was expanded from a nature of misfortune and holiness to general eccentricity. Ability of deity derived from Danjong's grief and grudge is weakened as time goes by and this story is substituted by an amazing things that can be experienced by anybody. Second, at present, Danjong story is transformed to a form of folktale. Danjong story has developed into a myth through deification from a personal legend. This myth is transformed into a folktale everybody can experience in the contemporary times. Third, this story has been recreated in a form of experience story, not a modification. It is said that as the personal experience story is combined with existing traditional stories, a new work of traditional story is created. It could be observed that through contemporary Danjong story, traditional story of historical person could be created in the contemporary times as well and additionally, a process that personal experience story is positioned as a traditional story could be observed. Now is the time to pay attention to various traditional stories being created in the contemporary times like experience stories.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.59
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• pp.157-181
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• 2015

This thesis pursued exchanges of Hwangsang with Chusa Family, who existed in the 19th century. What was Chusa to Hwangsang and what was Hwangsang to Chusa? The answer is concluded to the question of which existence Chusa was to Hwangsang but not of which existence Hwangsang was to Chusa. However, disregarding social positions of the nobles and the commoners, brothers of Chusa also cherished Hwangsang and respectfully treated him as a poet at all times. Chusa was a critic who recognized Hwangsang as a successor to Dasan poetics and became a patron of the literary circles on the other hand. Hwangsang's Chinese poems related to Chusa Family are counted as 45 JE 52 SU in total which consist of 31 JE 34 SU in "CHIWONYUGO" and 14 JE 18 SU in "CHIWONSOGO", On the other hand, Chinese poems which Chusa wrote for Hwangsang are only a few pieces shown in "WANDANGJEONJIP". Hwangsang first met three brothers including Chusa in September 1853 when he came up to the capital for the 4th time. Jeong Hak-yeon, the oldest son of Dasan Jeang Yak-yong, played an important role in the whole process that Hwangsang met Chusa's three brothers and was recognized as a poet. As the oldest son of Dasan Family, Jeong Hak-yeon made efforts in various ways for Hwangsang. Hwangsang tried his efforts to exhibit his ability as a poet to Chusa and to get Chusa's introduction of his poetical works. Considering Chusa's importance in then literary circles, the introduction seemed to reflect recognition by the literary circles in the metropolis and it also showed that Hwangsang was no more than an obscure poet in the provincial area. Poetical composition of Hwangsang for Chusa three brothers commonly contained friendship, intimacy and special respect at all times. Seeing from exchange process between Hwangsang and Dasan Family or Chusa Family, it is found that mutual exchanges were actively made in the mid-nineteenth century overcoming regional differentiation between capital and province, or feudalism class distinction of social positions of the nobles and the commoners.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.45-82
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• 2017

This paper aims at concrete examination of the 'Official Road(官路)' of the late Joseon Dynasty through government administration of the 17th - 18th century 'Junsangseo(典牲署)'. Until now, the study of the central political system in the Joseon Dynasty was mainly studied by the politically important bureaucrat 'Dangsanggwan(堂上官)', and even if he studied the 'Official Road(官路)', he was a student from the a graduate of Mungwa(文科) and the 'Clean and imfortant Official(淸要職)' connected with it It was examined mainly. As a result, this research attempts to elucidate the routes of 'non - Clean and imfortant Official(非淸要職)' who have not been studied so far. However, it is difficult to deal with all the 'lower officials(參下官)' reaching 263 in total, so it was targeted at the 'Junsangseo(典牲署)' where the 'List of official(先生案)' exists in the 17th - 18th century. In chapter 2, we examined the historical value of 'List of official(先生案)' and were able to secure the confidence of the materials. In Chapter 3, we specifically examined the origins of officials from the 'Junsangseo(典牲署)', the official route, and the occupation. As a result, the 'Junsangseo(典牲署)' 'lower officials(參下官)' was predominantly from the 'Munum(門蔭)'. In addition, I confirmed that I was stepping on a public road that roughly promoted one rank. The number of days in office has also been promoted satisfying the court occupation days. Although this is an analysis limited to 'Junsangseo(典牲署)', it seems that 'lower officials(參下官)' of 'Junsangseo(典牲署)' had gone through routes and routes that were roughly similar to the 'lower officials' of the main office. If we can assume this, we can understand the character of the late Joseon Dynasty 'lower officials(參下官)' by understanding the character of 'lower officials(參下官)' of 'Junsangseo(典牲署)'. To declare this, more case analysis is necessary, and it is necessary to convert a lot of 'List of official(先生案)' data scattered nationwide into DB.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.153-184
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• 2018

The aim of this thesis was to examine the circumstances that led up to successful coin use across the entire nation in 1678 (the $4^{th}$ year of King Sukjong's reign), during the Joseon Dynasty. To this end, this thesis analysed the Sa-Mouk(事目, Provisions) that contained the institutional protocol for coin circulation, implemented by King Hyojong and the statesman Kim Youk(金堉) who had practical experience in these matters over the ten years of King Hyojong's reign(1649-1659). To regulate the problematic wide circulation of coarse cotton cloth as currency in the market of 1650 (the $1^{st}$ year of King Hyojong's reign), prohibition measures were implemented. Besides the superficial justification given for these measures(i.e., that the market price was disturbed by the use of coarse cotton cloth), there was another purpose to prohibiting the circulation of cotton cloth as money, following the standard ruled by the government: the state aimed to ensure momentum for the upcoming coin circulation policy, by strengthening its control of the current economy. In 1651 (the $2^{nd}$ year of King Hyojong's reign), the government fully cracked down on the use of coarse cotton cloth as currency, and simultaneously implemented its coin circulation policy in the Pyeongan(平安) region. The pretext for this policy was to raise finances to support people who were starving as a result of poor harvests and famine. People who received coins from government officials could purchase food in the market, and the coin circulation policy was judged to be successful. Subsequently, to extend coin circulation further throughout the region, the Sa-Mouk for Seoul was established. The Sa-Mouk included stipulations regarding the use of coin in transactions and for government expenditure; it aimed thereby to enhance the national policy's market credit. The hasty implementation of the policy for the expansion of coin circulation caused some problems that required its modification. In 1652 (the $3^{rd}$ year of King Hyojong's reign), coin circulation was increased to encompass the Gyeonggi(京畿) region, and some of the tax that had been paid in rice was now paid in coin. However, coins were in short supply, since there was insufficient copper, the main material used in coin production, and the policy faced a significant limitation. Therefore, in 1655(the $6^{th}$ year of King Hyojong's reign), a new Sa-Mouk for coin circulation was established. This Sa-Mouk included specifications regarding the determination of coin values based on rice and silver, and mandated the wide spread installation of stores for exchanging spot goods for coins throughout the region in which coins were circulating. This policy's objective was to secure stability for the national economy by further regulating coin circulation. The sustained implementation of the coin circulation policy for ten years by King Hyojong and the statesman Kim Youk offered the government an opportunity to accumulate experience in coin circulation in the market, and also to learn from institutional trial and error. This may have been one of the contributing factors to the nation-wide coin circulation that was established in 1678. The objective of the policy implemented during King Hyojong's reign was not to meet the market's requirements, but rather to ensure the preservation of the national economy, and this misjudgement constituted the policy's key limitation. At this time, the government urgently needed to secure finances to cope with the war against China's Qing Dynasty.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.57
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• pp.9-40
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• 2014

This article focuses on Yeheon's consideration and solution for the hostile of social circumstances during the time of the Japanese invasions. Yeheon thought that the Chosun dynasty must have faced such disorder before the war happened. People including the king and his subjects did not live their life according to the righteous principle, and the state was not under control in a way that it should accomplish the Dao. Yeheon thought that the Japanese invasion, which is more like a flood or certain disasters, was not primarily responsible for the harshest of environments. Yeheon paid his attention to the fact that even after the Japanese invasions ended, people were still in disorder losing their mind-and-heart. People's mind-and-heart became that of animals because of starvation and disease. This is because the government made people trapped in a difficult situation by forcing them to prepare for military operations, rather than taking care of them. As a result, in Yeheon's view, the main cause of the social disorder was people's lack of mind-and-heart, which brought about their actions of brutality like those of animals. Although Yeheon himself did not form righteous armies, he instead suggested a right path to overcome and solve the social disorder by describing and analyzing in detail the reality of the war as well as the problems of policies. In particular, Yeheon studied the Zhou yi at the time because understanding the principle of fortune and misfortune, as well as the rise and fall of a state, could give a proper solution to the social turmoil of his times. In Yeheon's eyes, the most important thing to do in the time of people's losing mind-and-heart was to follow li and accomplish the Dao in their daily life. And this was what he, as a gentleman, should do. Yeheon thought that in spite of the harshest of environments, one can still preserve one's grace and dignity, which would overcome one's adversity. This gives us the following questions: should one put aside one's grace and dignity to overcome wartime perils? Or in so doing, one should face more severe time after a short period of peace and stability? These questions concern the relationship between one's morality and the state's responsibility, and what is the right way of doing one's duty to the state is the main philosophical subject in this article.

• Journal of the Korean Electrochemical Society
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• v.24 no.4
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• pp.120-132
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• 2021

Although the development of high-Nickel is being actively carried out to solve the capacity limitation and the high price of raw cobalt due to the limitation of high voltage use of the existing LiCoO₂, the deterioration of the battery characteristics due to the decrease in structural stability and increase of the Ni content. It is an important cause of delaying commercialization. Therefore, in order to increase the high stability of the Ni-rich ternary cathod material LiNi_0.6Co_0.2Mn_0.2O₂, precursor Ni_0.6Co_0.2Mn_0.2-x(OH)₂/xTiO₂ was prepared using a nanosized TiO₂ suspension type source for uniform Ti substitution in the precursor. It was mixed with Li₂CO₃, and after heating, the cathode active material LiNi_0.6Co_0.2Mn_0.2-xTi_xO₂ was synthesized, and the physical properties according to the Ti content were compared. Through FE-SEM and EDS mapping analysis, it was confirmed that a positive electrode active material having a uniform particle size was prepared through Ti-substituted spherical precursor and Particle Size Analyzer and internal density and strength were increased, XRD structure analysis and ICP-MS quantitative analysis confirmed that the capacity was effectively maintained even when the Ti-substituted positive electrode active material was manufactured and charging and discharging were continued at high temperature and high voltage.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.257-264
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• 1989

In order to study spatial variability of soil chemical properties across the land-partitioned boundary on Hwadong silt clay loam soil (Fine clayey, mixed, mesic family of Aquic Hapludalfs) in the experimental fie ld of the wheat and Barley Research Institute in Suwon, all measured data were analyzed by means of kriging, fractile diagram, smooth frequency distribution, and autocorrelation. Sampling for soil chemical property analysis was made at 225 intersections of 15x 15 grid with 10m interval from three soil depths (0-10cm, 25-35cm, 50-60cm) in the seven patitioned fields. 1. The coefficient of variance (CV) of various chemical properties varied from 5.4 to 72.7%. Soil pH was classified into the low variation group with CV smaller than 10%, while the other chemical properties belonged to the medium variation group with C.V. between 10 and 100% 2. The approximate number of soil samples for the determination of various chemical properties with error smaller than 10% were two for pH, ten for CEC, 15 for exchangeable Ca, 32 for total nitrogen content, 39 for exchangeable Mg, 40 for exchangeable K, 61 for exchangeable Na, 82 for organic matter content, 212 for available phosphate,. 3. Smooth frequency distribution and fractile diagram showed that available phosphate was in log-normal distribution while others were in normal distribution. 4. Serial correlation analysis revaled that the soil chemical properties had spatial dependence between two nearest neighbouring grid points. Autocorrelation analysis of chemcial properties measured between the serial grid points in the direction of south to north following land-partitioned boundary showed that the zone of influence showing stationarity ranged from 20 to 50m. In the direction of east to west accross land-partitioned boundary, the autocorrelogram of many chemical properies showed peaks with the periodic interval of 30m, which were similar to the partitioned land width. This reveals that the land-partitioned boundary causes soil variability.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.56
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• pp.147-170
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• 2014

To divide by the concept of Cheon (天) before and after the period of Song Dynasty: before Song Dynasty; according to the ancient Book of Odes (Sigyeong-詩經), "Cheon (天) gives birth to a large number of people", and, Confucius(孔子) say "Cheon(天) gave me Virtue(德)." Mencius(孟子) say "The person done with all his heart knows Seong(性, personality), so if he knows such Seong(性, personality), then he knows Cheon(天)." In Doctrine of the Mean(中庸), it says "Cheon(天) ordered it to be called - Seong(性, personality)." So, Cheon(天) had a religious meaning, such as Sangje(上帝) - Supreme Ruler. During the Song period, Cheon(天), the source of its existence, had construed as Mugeuk i Taegeuk Non(無極而太極論 - Theory of Supreme Ultimate while being Indeterminate) and Theory of li and ki (iginon-理氣論). Juja (朱子, a honorary name of Juhui, 朱熹) had said a reasonable Cheon(天), that is, Heavenly Principle (天理 - Cheolli) by interpreting Cheon(天) as Taegeuk(太極 - Supreme Polarity) and li(理) of Muwi(無爲 - uncontrived action). That's why Juja had lost the religiosity because of his reasonable frame. The purpose of this dissertation is to identify of the quality of being religious of li(理) on the basis of attribute of Cheon(天) argued by Toegye and Juja. In the text of Seomyeong(西銘 - Western Inscription), we can see their interpretation of the content that Toegye as "西銘考證講義"(Lecture on Historical Research of Western Inscription), and Juja as "西銘解"(Commentary on the Western Inscription). Seomyeong(西銘 - Western Inscription) was expounded as a logic of 'iil bunsu' (理一分殊 - coherence is one and distinguished into many). '理一分殊' means to live in as meaningful as possible according to the human nature that has been bestowed upon thyself. Juja and Toegye both said that in the aspect of 'iil'(理一 - coherence is one), Reverence(事天) ought to be done, but to look into the aspect of 'bunsu'(分殊-distinguished into many), Juja argued that people should follow the order of Heavenly Principle(天理 - Cheolli), and Toegye argued that people should have to perform the filial piety(孝). There are differences in methods of Toegye and Juja on account of distinction between attributes of Cheon(天). Such a distinction affects the attribute of li(理). Juja said divisively that Soiyeon(所以然-why its principle is so) is li(理), and Sodangyeon(所當然-what should be so) is Sa(事-divine project). Toegye argued that Sodangyeon(所當然-what should be so) is indeed li(理). It is the position of Toegye that to know Seong(性-the personality) of Sodangyeon(所當然-what should be so) is the first, rather than to know Cheon(天) of Soiyeon(所以然-why its principle is so) that is out of reach in a faraway place. Seong(性-the personality) is li(理) that bestowed by Cheon(天). In view of discussion about the essence and existence, for Toegye, the existence is the first, rather than the essence. The issues of existence is now enabled to talk about amid the discussion of metaphysics, namely li(理). Different from Juja, a theory noticed in Toegye is the theory of 'Lijado'(理自到). 'Lijado'(理自到) denotes 'Li(理) leads on their own.' It tells that separate from thing-in-itself, there is an energy that moves and oversees the thing. This is an issue of response between "I" as the principal agent and other people. If "I" as the principal agent is sincere to others, the others will come to me insomuch as they will be revealed through me. Here, a problem between the host and guest arises. Toegye perceived this problem that do not see me and others as same, and also do not see me and others as two. This is the logic of 'ilii iiil'(一而二 二而一 - looks like one but two, looks like two but one) of '理一分殊' (coherence is one and distinguished into many). The first thing to do between these two processes is to recognize the existence of 'iil'(理一). Toegye strongly displays a religious attitude identifying Cheon(天)=Li (理)=Sangje(上帝- Supreme Ruler) in the same light.