• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.27-69
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• 2009

This paper studies the logic of fiscal constraints and fiscal autonomy in a political agency model with both moral hazard and adverse selection. The electoral process not only disciplines incumbents who may act against the public interest but also opts in politicians who are most likely to act along voters' interests. We characterize perfect Bayesian equilibria under shared tax system and fiscal autonomy with fiscal constraints for local public good provision. It is shown that the local voters' expected welfare under fiscal autonomy is higher than under shared tax system if the same fiscal constraints are applied. In order to examine the effects of party's candidate selection processes on the behavior of local politician and national politician, we extend the model to an environment where local politician can compete for the candidacy of national assembly with incumbent national politician. If local politician wins majority of votes against incumbent national politician, then he can move on to serve as a national politician. Otherwise, his political career will end as a local politician. It is the gist of this primary system portrayed by this setup that local politician and national politician compete to garner more votes. Therefore, primary system as a candidate selection mechanism enhances local residents' welfare compared to top-down candidate selection processes.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.145-170
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• 2011

당원중심 정당조직이 약화되고 있는 정당정치 변화추세 및 진성당원이 절대 부족한 실정에서 의원이나 원외위원장에 의해 동원되고 있는 당원들이 참여하는 경선의 현실적인 한계를 고려한다면, 당원 이외 유권자도 참여하는 보다 개방적인 경선을 지향할 수밖에 없는 상황이다. 이번에 국민경선의 확대내지는 제도화를 목표로 중앙선관위 및 한나라당과 민주당의 개혁특위가 제시하고 있는 공천안, 특히 모든 유권자가 참여할 수 있는 여야 동시 완전국민경선안은 선거인단을 모집하여 실시하는 기존의 제한적 국민경선보다 불공정한 동원, 역선택 등의 문제 해결에 도움이 되리라 본다. 하지만 여전히 해소되야 할 경선 공정성과 관련된 구조적인 문제는 경선이 치러지는 지역의 정당조직이 비민주적으로 운영되는 데에서 비롯되는 경선 후보들 간의 불균형 문제이며, 전략공천이라는 형태로 치러지는 사실상 하향식 공천 역시 경선 공정성을 크게 훼손할 소지가 있으므로 정당의 전략공천 비율은 더욱 축소되어야 할 것이다. 2012년 총선이 임박한 상황에서 현실적으로 무엇보다 시급한 것은 한나라당, 민주당 모두 공천제도 개혁안을 조속히 확정하고 선관위안을 법제화하는 일이며, 이를 통하여 유권자가 참여하는 정당경선의 제도화가 이루어질 때 최근 시민후보의 등장과 같은 시민사회의 도전으로부터 비롯된 정당정치의 위기상황을 더욱 새로운 정당정치로 나아가는 계기로 전환시키는 일도 보다 용이해 질 것이다.

• Science & Technology Policy
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• v.4 no.4 s.61
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• pp.51-61
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• 1994

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.37-79
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• 2017

The major purpose of this paper is to analyze the evolution of the presidential system in South Korea during the past three decades ever since the country's democratization in 1987 from the comparative institutional perspective. As imperial presidentialism during the so-called three Kim's era(1987-2003) disappeared right after the political retirement of the three Kims in 2003, then president-centered presidentialism emerged during the post-three Kim's era, since the country's recent three presidents possessed their relatively low-level of partisan power in terms of their control of National Assemblies and their respective presidents' parties during their presidencies. South Korea has now a strong possibility to transform the current president-centered presidentialism into the American-style separatist presidential system in the near future, since the country's National Assembly has continuously been making its efforts to function as an effective governing body being compatible with the American Congress. In addition, the country's judiciary branch has effectively been playing a political role like the US supreme court ever since the country's democratization in 1987. It is also emphasized that South Korea's civic society is currently playing as a guardian of democracy through its effective and responsive political participations in many public sectors for promoting civic liberties, public welfare, and other democratic values. South Korea now needs to carry out constitutional revisions, political reforms of legislative system, party system, and electoral system as well as correct some contradictory political understandings and habits in a way to transform the current president-centered presidentialism into American-style separatist presidential system in the near future.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.59-68
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to consider ways to stabilize the naval unit diagnosis system that has been implemented for five years. Check the historical process and theoretical background of the naval unit diagnosis system. This is to confirm the future direction of the naval unit diagnosis system research. Therefore, the importance of this system is confirmed and the direction of development is explained through application method. In particular, the study suggested the scientific development of analytical methods, the development of analytical programs, the development of leadership diagnostic programs, the increase of personnel in the unit diagnosis team, and the acquisition of expertise and reliability. In order for the naval unit diagnosis system to develop, internal and external continuous research is required.