• Title/Summary/Keyword: 건축연구소

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Space Usage and Satisfaction with Privacy in General Hospital Inpatients (종합병원 입원환자의 공간사용 및 프라이버시 만족도)

  • Choi, In Young;Park, Hey Kyung
    • Korea Science and Art Forum
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    • v.36
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    • pp.391-400
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    • 2018
  • To ensure a user-centered treatment environment, hospital construction needs an approach that is not centered on functional aspects such as efficiency or economic feasibility but on the consideration of needs as reflected in user psychology and behavior. Patients who are physically and psychologically vulnerable experience psychological pressure when they are placed in an unfamiliar environment. Most of existing studies however focus on the evaluation of the physical environment, without paying attention to the psychological or behavioral approach to anxiety and stress that patients may experience in a special environment that a hospital may be to them. This study examines general hospital inpatients to understand the usage of major space available and their satisfaction with privacy. This study provides useful primary information needed for the user-centered design of general hospital for improved patient health and welfare. For the purpose of the study, literature review, site investigation, and survey were conducted. Major functional space and privacy in general hospitals were studied, and the site investigation was performed to identify the plans and their status. Survey was also performed to understand the usage of functional space and satisfaction with such space usage as well as satisfaction with privacy. The findings were as follows: (1) Space usage was rated as average in general. It was found that patients used their rooms and lobby on a daily basis. By age, the usage was highest in the group in their 40s; the usage was relatively lower in the groups in their 30s or younger. (2) Space satisfaction was above average, indicating that patients were fairly satisfied. Satisfaction was highest in the lobby space designed with distinct features. By case, satisfaction was highest in Case B, characterized by its wide horizontal space in the rural settings. (3) Satisfaction with privacy in hospital was average, indicating that the demand for privacy was relatively higher but what patients receive in return was lower than their expectation. It was also found that satisfaction with privacy was a crucial element that affected the overall satisfaction with hospital.

A Study on the Usage of Miào(廟) and Gōng(宮) in Zhou Dynasty through the Mentions to Them in the Scripture Sentences of 『Chūn-qiū(春秋)』 - In the Process of Investigating the Existence of Zhou Dynasty's System to Regulate the Number of Zōng-miào(宗廟) 【1/2】 (『춘추』 경문에서의 묘(廟)·궁(宮) 언급을 통한 주대(周代)의 그 쓰임 사례 일고찰 - 주대의 묘수제(廟數制) 실재 여부에 대한 궁구 과정에서 【1/2】-)

  • Seo, Jeong-Hwa
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.57
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    • pp.57-90
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    • 2018
  • In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.

Transformation of Asbestos-Containing Slate Using Exothermic Reaction Catalysts and Heat Treatment (발열반응 촉매제와 열처리를 이용한 석면함유 슬레이트의 무해화 연구)

  • Yoon, Sungjun;Jeong, Hyeonyi;Park, Byungno;Kim, Yongun;Kim, Hyesu;Park, Jaebong;Roh, Yul
    • Economic and Environmental Geology
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    • v.52 no.6
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    • pp.627-635
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    • 2019
  • Cement-asbestos slate is the main asbestos containing material. It is a product made by combining 10~20% of asbestos and cement components. Man- and weathering-induced degradation of the cement-asbestos slates makes them a source of dispersion of asbestos fibres and represents a priority cause of concern. When the asbestos enters the human body, it causes cellular damage or deformation, and is not discharged well in vitro, and has been proven to cause diseases such as lung cancer, asbestos, malignant mesothelioma and pleural thickening. The International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC) has designated asbestos as a group 1 carcinogen. Currently, most of these slats are disposed in a designated landfill, but the landfill capacity is approaching its limit, and there is a potential risk of exposure to the external environment even if it is land-filled. Therefore, this study aimed to exam the possibility of detoxification of asbestos-containing slate by using exothermic reaction and heat treatment. Cement-asbestos slate from the asbestos removal site was used for this experiment. Exothermic catalysts such as calcium chloride(CaCl2), magnesium chloride(MgCl2), sodium hydroxide(NaOH), sodium silicate(Na2SiO3), kaolin[Al2Si2O5(OH)4)], and talc[Mg3Si4O10(OH)2] were used. Six catalysts were applied to the cement-asbestos slate, respectively and then analyzed using TG-DTA. Based on the TG-DTA results, the heat treatment temperature for cement-asbestos slate transformation was determined at 750℃. XRD, SEM-EDS and TEM-EDS analyses were performed on the samples after the six catalysts applied to the slate and heat-treated at 750℃ for 2 hours. It was confirmed that chrysotile[Mg3Si2O5(OH5)] in the cement-asbestos slate was transformed into forsterite (Mg2SiO4) by catalysts and heat treatment. In addition, the change in the shape of minerals was observed by applying a physical force to the slate and the heat treated slate after coating catalysts. As a result, the chrysotile in the cement-asbestos slate maintained fibrous form, but the cement-asbestos slate after heat treatment of applying catalyst was broken into non-fibrous form. Therefore, this study shows the possibility to safely verify the complete transformation of asbestos minerals in this catalyst- and temperature-induced process.

The Philosophy of Good and Evil Engraved on Roof - End Tiles - A Contemplation of "The Smile of Silla" Roof-End Tiles (수막새에 새겨진 선악의 철학 -신라의 미소, 수막새를 통한 고찰-)

  • Yun, Byeongyeol
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.53 no.1
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    • pp.4-23
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    • 2020
  • This study examines the universal meaning of the roof-end tile, our cultural property, and especially focuses on an ontological interpretation of the "Smile of Silla" roof-end tile. In addition, the problem of good and evil read here is considered in connection with the universal problem of philosophy. The issue of good and evil is a theme in philosophy, theology, religion, and culture that will endure throughout human history in both the East and the West. Augustine and Schelling inquired deeply into the source of evil and obtained an answer to this question based on their methods, but their answer is not universal or absolute, or an answer that applies to everyone. This is because the issue of good and evil possesses both a direct relationship with every human being and a characteristic that will remain unresolved. That is to say, the metaphysical question regarding the source of evil will always be one that is open. Nietzsche, however, repudiated the morals handed down through Socrates and Christianity, and urged that we reside "beyond good and evil." This brief review argues that good and evil exists in the form of a being in itself, whether it is within our grasp or not, and reveals that good and evil is more "this-worldly" than it is "other-worldly". The roof-end tiles with facial markings passed on to us also presuppose that evil is in full force in this world and exerts its influence. This review taps into several folk methods for coping with the existence of an invincible evil that surpasses human capability and contemplates the extraordinary and creative ideas of the Silla people through their "Smile of Silla" roof-end tiles with facial markings that were used to counter evil.

Analysis of Characteristics of the Abandoned Tumulus Site Located at the East Side of the Silla Era Hwang Bok Sa (皇福寺) Site (신라 황복사지(皇福寺址) 동편 폐고분지(廢古墳址)의 성격)

  • Jang, Hojin;Kang, Ryangji
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.53 no.1
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    • pp.88-105
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    • 2020
  • This study examined existing theories of the characteristics of the abandoned tumulus site located at the east side of the Silla era Hwang Bok Sa (皇福寺) site and attempted an archaeological approach based on the derived facts, combining both the results of this study and those of a recently conducted excavation survey. The results of this investigation exhibited the following outcomes. First, the excavation survey revealed that the huge rounded stones discovered on the surface of a rice paddy field located at the east side of the Silla era Hwang Bok Sa were all protecting stones, processed on the front side in the form of a bow, designating a royal tomb. Most of these protecting stones had deviated from their original positions due to subsequent farming practices and some had been re-cycled for construction purposes as fences or foundations for structures built in the Silla era. Considering the prevailing belief in the concept of reincarnation, the bone rank system, and royal authority in the Silla era at that time, it would seem likely that the royal tombs were not intentionally destroyed. Therefore, it is speculated that the stones in this royal tomb were abandoned during construction of the tomb of the King at that time and then naturally re-cycled as building components used in construction sites in later years. Second, this study comparatively analyzed the scale and quality of the supporting stones at the royal tomb site in Guhwang-dong. The analysis results verified that those supporting stones were the same stones from the royal tomb used as supporting stones for statues symbolizing the twelve earthly branch spirits that were restored at the site of the tower at the royal tomb. This confirmed that the statues of the twelve earthly branches spirits sitting at the Hwang Bok Sa site were the protecting stones from a different royal tomb. Accordingly, the conclusion that has been generally accepted to date-that the protecting stones of the statues of twelve earthly branches spirits sitting at Hwang Bok Sa site were probably moved from the royal tomb site in Guhwang-dong-must inevitably be modified. Third, based on the structure of the protecting stones and type of the royal tomb, it is speculated that the individual buried in the royal tomb at Guhwang-dong is one of the kings who followed King Heungdeok and similar times of the buried person of the tomb that was considered as King Gyeongdeok, and who was before the buried person of the tomb that was considered as Kim Yu-sin. In addition, when considering the historical art patterns on the supporting stones of the statues that symbolize the twelve earthly branches spirits, which were moved to the site of the tower at the royal tomb, it is reasonable to believe that the person buried at the royal tomb at Guhwang-dong is likely one of the Kings of the late Silla era of the 9th century.

Iconography and Symbols of the Gwandeokjeong Pavilion Murals in Jeju (제주 관덕정(觀德亭) 벽화의 도상과 표상)

  • Kang, Yeongju
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.53 no.3
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    • pp.258-277
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    • 2020
  • The purpose of this paper is to examine the paintings and symbols of the Jeju Guandeokjeong murals, Treasure No. 322. Gwandeokjeong Pavilion in Jeju is one of the oldest buildings in Jeju and was built in 1448 during the reign of King Sejong (世宗) of the Joseon Dynasty to serve as a training ground for soldiers. Unlike Gwandeokjeong Pavilions in other regions, Jeju's Gwandeokjeong Pavilion has a long history and is of cultural value due to its beautiful architecture. In addition, it contains various murals which are a further source of attention. There are four murals on the front and back of the two Lintels on the left and right sides of the building. Their contents include of 『The Three Kingdoms (三國志)』 and and on the back. Towards the right, is depicted, with on the back. Based on a replica of the murals from 1976, the plan, style, and age of the Gwandeokjeong Pavilion murals have been studied, together with their meanings. The contents of the mural are broadly divided into five parts, which are identified by the tacit signatures atop the screen, which provide such details as the painting titles. The paintings on the left and right sides of the center appear to inspire the spirit of the military's commerce in order to boost soldiers' morale, protect the country, and protect the people in line with the purpose of Gwandeokjeong Pavilion. The following and figuratively depict guidelines for the behavior and mindset of officials. In particular, is a painting concerned with concepts of longevity and an auspicious (吉祥), which shows how court paintings became popular as folk paintings at that time. The paintings of tangerines and other specialties of Jeju Island, the ritual paintings of Jeokbyeokdaejeon, and the expressions of Mt. Halla (漢拏山) and Oreum (오름) indicate the existence of Jeju artists that belonged to the Jeju government office at that time. The five themes and styles of the murals also show that the murals of Gwandeokjeong Pavilion were produced in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

Review of Copper Trihydroxychloride, a Green Pigment Composed of Copper and Chlorine (구리와 염소 주성분 녹색 안료 코퍼 트리하이드록시클로라이드(Copper Trihydroxychloride)에 대한 고찰)

  • Oh, Joonsuk;Lee, Saerom;Hwang, Minyoung
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.53 no.2
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    • pp.64-87
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    • 2020
  • Copper trihydroxychloride (atacamite, botallackite, paratacamite, etc.), the first green pigment used in Mogao Grotto's mural paintings of China, has been known as "copper green", "green salt", and "salt green", etc. and has been used as an important green pigment with malachite. At first, the natural mineral atacamite was employed, but after the Five Dynasties (907~960 CE), synthetic copper trihydroxychloride was primarily used. In Chinese literature, copper green, green salt, and salt green are recorded as being made via reaction with copper powder, Gwangmyeongyeom (natural sodium chloride), and Yosa (natural ammonium chloride), and the prepared material was analyzed to be copper trihydroxychloride. Copper trihydroxychloride pigment was not found in paintings prior to the Joseon Dynasty (1392~1910 CE) in Korea. In analysis of the green pigments used in paintings and the architectural paintworks in the Joseon Dynasty, copper trihydroxychloride was also shown to have been used as an important green pigment with malachite (Seokrok). In particular, the proportion of copper trihydroxychloride use was high in Buddhist paintings, shamanic paintings, and dancheongs (decorative coloring on wooden buildings). Some of these turned out to be synthetic copper trihydroxychloride, but it is unclear whether the rest of them are synthetic or natural pigments due to a lack of analyzed data. From literature and painting analyses, the pigment name of copper trihydroxychloride in the Joseon Dynasty turns out to be Hayeob, a dark green pigment. It is believed to have first been prepared by learning from China in the early Joseon period (early 15th century) and its use continued until the late 19th century with imported Chinese pigment. Round or oval particles with a dark core of copper trihydroxychloride which were used in Chinese literature were similar to the synthetic copper trihydroxychloride pigments used in the Joseon Dynasty and Chinese paintings. Therefore, the synthetic copper trihydroxychloride pigments of Korea and China are believed to have been prepared in a similar way.

Effect of Green Tea and Saw Dust Contents on Dynamic Modulus of Elasticity of Hybrid Composite Boards and Prediction of Static Bending Strength Performances (이종복합보드의 동적탄성률에 미치는 녹차와 톱밥 배합비율의 영향 및 정적 휨 강도성능의 예측)

  • Park, Han-Min;Lee, Soo-Kyeong;Seok, Ji-Hoon;Choi, Nam-Kyeong;Kwon, Chang-Bae;Heo, Hwang-Sun;Byeon, Hee-Seop;Yang, Jae-Kyung;Kim, Jong-Chul
    • Journal of agriculture & life science
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    • v.46 no.2
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    • pp.9-17
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    • 2012
  • In this study, in addition to the green tea - wood fiber hybrid composite boards of previous researches, to make effective use of saw dust of domestic cypress tree with functionalities and application as interior materials, eco-friendly hybrid composite boards were manufactured from wood fiber, green tea and saw dust of cypress tree. We investigated the effect of the component ratio of saw dust and green tea on dynamic MOE (modulus of elasticity). Dynamic MOE was within 1.41~1.65 GPa, and showed the highest value in wood fiber : green tea : saw dust = 50 : 40 : 10 of the component ratio, and had the lowest value in 50 : 30 : 20 of component ratio. These values were 1.4~1.6 times higher than static bending MOE of wood fiber - saw dust - green tea hybrid composite boards, and were 2.0~2.9 times lower than those of green tea - wood fiber hybrid composite boards reported in the previous researches. From the results of correlation regression analyses between dynamic MOE and static strength performances, a very high correlation coefficients were obtained, therefore it was found that static bending strength performances can be estimated with a high reliability from dynamic MOE.

Effect of Green Tea and Saw Dust Contents on Static Bending Strength Performance of Hybrid Boards Composed of Wood Fiber, Saw Dust and Green Tea (목재섬유, 톱밥 및 녹차 이종복합보드의 정적 휨 강도성능에 미치는 녹차 및 톱밥 배합비율의 영향)

  • Park, Han-Min;Lee, Soo-Kyeong;Seok, Ji-Hoon;Choi, Nam-Kyung;Kwon, Chang-Bae;Heo, Hwang-Sun;Kim, Jong-Chul
    • Journal of agriculture & life science
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    • v.45 no.6
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    • pp.41-46
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    • 2011
  • In this study, in addition to the green tea-wood fiber hybrid composite boards of previous researches, to make effective use of saw dust of domestic cypress tree with functionalities and application as interior materials, eco-friendly hybrid composite boards were manufactured from wood fiber, green tea and saw dust of cypress tree. We investigated the effect of the component ratio of saw dust and green tea on static bending strength performances. Static bending MOE (modulus of elasticity) was within 0.956~1.18GPa, and showed the highest value in wood fiber : green tea : saw dust = 50 : 40 : 10 of the component ratio, and had the lowest value in 50 : 30 : 20 of component ratio. These values were 2.0~3.1times lower than those of green tea-wood fiber hybrid composite boards reported in the previous researches. The bending MOR (modulus of rupture) showed 8.99~11.5MPa, the change of the bending MOR with component ratio of the factors was the same as that of bending MOE. These values had 1.9~3.5 times lower value than those of green tea-wood fiber hybrid composite boards, and showed the slightly lower values than the MOR of particle boards (PB) and medium density fiberboards (MDF) prescribed in Korean Industrial Standard. Therefore, it is considered that these hybrid composite boards need to improve strength performances by component ratio change, hybrid composite with other materials and adhesive change etc. in order to industrialize the hybrid composite boards.

A Study on the Structure of a Local Prison in the Joseon Dynasty Based on the comparison of excavation sites and antique maps (조선시대 지방 옥(獄) 구조에 관한 고찰 - 발굴 유적과 고지도 비교를 중심으로 -)

  • LEE, Eunseok
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.54 no.4
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    • pp.246-259
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    • 2021
  • Research has been conducted in various fields on a local fortress (eupseong) in the Joseon Dynasty, but the archaeological research on the prison (獄), which is part of the internal government, has not been conducted properly. Since the prison was first discovered in Gyeongju in 1997, there has been a necessity for research on the deployment and structure of the prison. This includes the office where jailers worked and had night duty and also the enclosure that keeps the prisoners inside. But the research came to a standstill because there was no comparative data. However, compared to the more recent findings of the Yeonil Prison and the Gonju Prison, we can identify that the structure was built during the early to the late Joseon Dynasty. King Sejong designed the standard prison blueprint called Anokdo (犴獄圖) in 1426 to manage prisoners nationwide and revised it once in 1439 to give better treatment during the winter and summer seasons. The Yeonil Prison operated from 1421 to 1743 and shows the structure of the prisons during the early to mid-Joseon period. It was very similar to the Gyeongju Prison on a smaller scale, which was operated until the late Joseon Dynasty with two main structures, one east and one west, and a circular fence. This structure was maintained even in the Gongju Prison during the late Joseon Dynasty, and it remains visible in photographs. The prison of the Joseon Dynasty had a circular fence with an estimated height of 3 meters and two buildings that separated male and female prisoners. The prison was divided into men on the east and women on the west with tile-roofed house structures that were difficult to escape. In front of the circular fence, there was an office with a thatched roof for the jailers and access to the prison was only possible through a double prison gate. The layout of the building reflects the improvements of the king's prison design made during Joseon Dynasty improving the environment of prisoners who are on trial and separating men and women in order to embody humanism.