• Title/Summary/Keyword: 건축사

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A Study on the Usage of Miào(廟) and Gōng(宮) in Zhou Dynasty through the Mentions to Them in the Scripture Sentences of 『Chūn-qiū(春秋)』 - In the Process of Investigating the Existence of Zhou Dynasty's System to Regulate the Number of Zōng-miào(宗廟) 【1/2】 (『춘추』 경문에서의 묘(廟)·궁(宮) 언급을 통한 주대(周代)의 그 쓰임 사례 일고찰 - 주대의 묘수제(廟數制) 실재 여부에 대한 궁구 과정에서 【1/2】-)

  • Seo, Jeong-Hwa
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.57
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    • pp.57-90
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    • 2018
  • In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.

The Modern Understanding and Misunderstanding about the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple (원각사(圓覺寺)13층탑(層塔)에 대한 근대적 인식과 오해)

  • Nam, Dongsin
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.100
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    • pp.50-80
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    • 2021
  • This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.

Locational and Constructional Characteristics of Imrijeong & Palgwae-jeong in Nonsan - Focused on the Relation with Jukrim-Seowon - (논산 임리정(臨履亭)과 팔괘정(八卦亭)의 입지 및 조영 특성 - 죽림서원(竹林書院)과의 관계를 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Hyun-Woo;Rho, Jae-Hyun
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.31 no.2
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    • pp.70-81
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    • 2013
  • In this study, the locational and constructional characteristics of Jukrimseowon, pavilion Imrijeong, and Palgwaejeong located in Nonsan, Ganggyung-eup were reviewed and the interrelation of these three places were studied through references including records of those days; Sagyeyonbo(沙溪年譜), Jukrimseowon dorok(竹林書院都錄), Imrijeonggi(臨履亭記), Jukrimseowon Myojeongbi(竹林書院廟庭碑), Namyurok(南遊錄). The result is as follows. Jukrimseowon enshrining Yukhyeon(六賢) is arranged as 'Hongsalmoon-Woisalmoon-Dongjae(憲章堂; Heonjangdang)' and 'LIbrary-Naesammoon(神門; shin moon)-Sau(竹林祠: Jukimsa)', excluding a lecture hall. In case of Sagye Jangsang Kim's Imrijeong(沙溪金長生) and Uam Shiyoel Song(尤庵宋時烈)'s Palgwaejeong respectively constructed 50 meters and 10 meters each away from Jurimseowon, detail designs such as scale, roofs, surface, windows, doors, and tablets as well as its prospect are nearly identified. Especially Taking Imrijeong and Palgwaejeong's locational conditions composed of rocks centered on Jukrimseowon, those are maintain the bilateral symmetry as much as possible and surround the shrine. It appeared that the Jukrimseowon's shrine enshrining Yulgok(栗谷) and Ugye(牛溪) was rebuilt during the reconstruction of auditoriums because of political conditions after the renovation of Kiing Injo and it was called as 'Hwangsanseowon(黃山書院)' with Imrijeong which was a lecture hall. It was an inevitable consequence to keep the bilateral symmetry which is a basic order of auditorium structure by maintaining and using Imrijeong and Palgwaejeong as a lecture hall of the auditorium after the reconstruction at least. Consequently, the desperate attempt to adjust the arrangement and visual imbalance of Imrijeong built with periodical differences and Hwangsanseowon resulted from the construction of shrine was Palgwaejeong built under Monggoibyuk of Hwansan Taken these circumstances together, Jukrimseowon is a 'shrine-centered auditorium' with characteristics of auditorium, constructed by integrating Imrijeong which was used as a lecture hall after the construction of shrine and Palgwaejeong repaired through the reconstruction. The construction of Palgwaejeong and the formative conformity with Imrijeong are assumed as an consequence intended for the compensation of Jukrimseowon's function and role as an auditorium. This study will provide an opportunity to focus on the auditorium and pavilion's complementary function as well as the Confucian and constructional functions by revealing the fact that pavilions were established as a complementary facility for the lecture hall of auditorium.

Radon concentration measurement at general house in Pusan area (부산지역 일반주택에서의 라돈농도측정)

  • Im, In-Cheol
    • Journal of radiological science and technology
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    • v.27 no.2
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    • pp.29-33
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    • 2004
  • Until early 1980s we have lived without thinking that radon ruins our health. But, scientists knew truth that radon radioactive danger is bedeviling on indoor that we live for a long time. Specially, interest about effect that get in danger and injury for Radon and human body is inactive in our country. Recently, with awareness for Radon contamination, We inform about importance and danger of Radon in some station of the Seoul subway, indoor air of school facilities and We had interest with measure and manages. Usually, Radon gas emitted in base of building enters into indoor through building floor split windage back among radon or indoor air of radon daughter nucleus contamination is increased. Therefore, indoor radon concentration rises as there are a lot of windages between number pipe of top and bottom and base that enter crack from estrangement of the done building floor, underground to indoor. Thus, Radon enters into indoor through architecture resources water as well as, kitchen natural gas for choice etc., but more than about 85% from earth's crust emit. Danger and injury of health by Radon and Radon daughter nucleus that is indicated for cause of lung cancer incerases content of uranium of soil rises specially from inside pit of High area and a mine, cave, hermetical space with house. Safe sub-officer of radon concentration can not know and danger always exists large or small during. So, Important thing reduces danger of lung cancer by lowering concentration of Radon within house and building. Therefore, is thought that need general house Radon concentration measurement, measured Radon concentration monthly using Sintillator radon monitor. Study finding appeared high all underground market 1 year than the ground, and the winter appeared high than the summer. Specially, month that pass over 4pCi in house that United States Environmental Protection Agency advises appeared in underground, and appeared and know Radon exposure gravity by 4 months during 12 months. Therefore, Thinking that establishment and regulation of norm and preparation of reduction countermeasure about Radon are pressing feels, and inform result that measure Radon concentration.

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Contribution of Oswald Veblen to AMS and its meaning in Korea (Oswald Veblen이 미국수학계에 미친 영향과 한국에서의 의미)

  • Lee, Sang-Gu;Ham, Yoon-Mee
    • Journal for History of Mathematics
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    • v.22 no.2
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    • pp.27-52
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    • 2009
  • This article discusses the contributions of the leader Oswald Veblen, who was the president of AMS during 1923-1924. In 2006, Korea ranked 12th in SCIE publications in mathematics, more than doubling its publications in less than 10 years, a successful model for a country with relatively short history of modern mathematical research. Now there are 192 four-year universities in Korea. Some 42 of these universities have Ph.D. granting graduate programs in mathematics and/or mathematical education in Korea. Rapid growth is observed over a broad spectrum including a phenomenal performance surge in International Mathematical Olympiad. Western mathematics was first introduced in Korea in the 17th century, but real significant mathematical contributions by Korean mathematicians in modern mathematics were not much known yet to the world. Surprisingly there is no Korean mathematician who could be found in MaC Tutor History Birthplace Map. We are at the time, to have a clear vision and leadership for the 21st century. Even with the above achievement, Korean mathematical community has had obstacles in funding. Many people thinks that mathematical research can be done without funding rather unlike other science subjects, even though they agree fundamental mathematical research is very important. We found that the experience of early American mathematical community can help us to give a vision and role model for Korean mathematical community. When we read the AMS Notice article 'The Vision, Insight, and Influence of Oswald Veblen' by Steve Batterson, it answers many of our questions on the development of American mathematics in early 20th century. We would like to share the story and analyze its meaning for the development of Korean Mathematics of 21st century.

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Predicting Crime Risky Area Using Machine Learning (머신러닝기반 범죄발생 위험지역 예측)

  • HEO, Sun-Young;KIM, Ju-Young;MOON, Tae-Heon
    • Journal of the Korean Association of Geographic Information Studies
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    • v.21 no.4
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    • pp.64-80
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    • 2018
  • In Korea, citizens can only know general information about crime. Thus it is difficult to know how much they are exposed to crime. If the police can predict the crime risky area, it will be possible to cope with the crime efficiently even though insufficient police and enforcement resources. However, there is no prediction system in Korea and the related researches are very much poor. From these backgrounds, the final goal of this study is to develop an automated crime prediction system. However, for the first step, we build a big data set which consists of local real crime information and urban physical or non-physical data. Then, we developed a crime prediction model through machine learning method. Finally, we assumed several possible scenarios and calculated the probability of crime and visualized the results in a map so as to increase the people's understanding. Among the factors affecting the crime occurrence revealed in previous and case studies, data was processed in the form of a big data for machine learning: real crime information, weather information (temperature, rainfall, wind speed, humidity, sunshine, insolation, snowfall, cloud cover) and local information (average building coverage, average floor area ratio, average building height, number of buildings, average appraised land value, average area of residential building, average number of ground floor). Among the supervised machine learning algorithms, the decision tree model, the random forest model, and the SVM model, which are known to be powerful and accurate in various fields were utilized to construct crime prevention model. As a result, decision tree model with the lowest RMSE was selected as an optimal prediction model. Based on this model, several scenarios were set for theft and violence cases which are the most frequent in the case city J, and the probability of crime was estimated by $250{\times}250m$ grid. As a result, we could find that the high crime risky area is occurring in three patterns in case city J. The probability of crime was divided into three classes and visualized in map by $250{\times}250m$ grid. Finally, we could develop a crime prediction model using machine learning algorithm and visualized the crime risky areas in a map which can recalculate the model and visualize the result simultaneously as time and urban conditions change.

Change in Concepts and Status of Park and Green Space in Urban Planning Documents of Gyeongseong (경성부 도시계획서 상의 공원녹지 개념과 현황의 변화 양상)

  • Cho, Seho;Kim, Youngmin
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.47 no.2
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    • pp.117-132
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    • 2019
  • The study examines the significance and limits of modern park planning by analyzing major planning documents of Gyeongseong in the Japanese colonial era. Among seven selected documents from 1925 to 1940, which show the contents related with park planning, documents of 1930 and 1940 presented the official park plan of Gyeongseong. By the 1920s, the park plan was not a major concern in urban planning of Gyeongseong; however, as the planning law as enacted in 1934, the park plan legally became a part of the official master planning process in the 1930s. In 1940, the most comprehensive park plan for Gyeongseong was published. In the beginning of modern urban planning, a park was mainly perceived as a sanitation utility. From the 1920s to the 1930s, the park planning system was significantly improved including systemic classification of parks, guideline development considering spatial planning, and introduction of a concept of infra-structural green space. Despite of the improvement in the park planning, the actual quantity of the overall green spaces barely changed and there was a huge discrepancy between the planning ideal and the reality. The Gyeongseong stadium was the only facility newly built in the 1920s, and only two parks were constructed in the 1930s. The plan to build 38 new parks in the 1930, and 140 in the 1940 was barely realized. However, there were efforts to improve parks and green spaces of Gyeongseong: Such as appropriating natural forest as parks, designating royal palaces as parks, and focusing on constructing smaller scale children's parks. Even though the ideal plan could not be fully implemented due to the war time situation and tight budget, the park system of Gyeongseong provided the framework of park planning of Seoul after the independence.

A Study on the Topography and the Criteria of Choosing the Location-Allocation of Palaces - Focusing on Gyeongbokgung Palace and Changdeokgung Palace - (조선 궁궐 입지 선정의 기준과 지형에 대한 연구 - 경복궁과 창덕궁을 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Kyoosoon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.3
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    • pp.130-145
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    • 2019
  • The palaces in South Korea are largely divided into primary palaces (法宮) and secondary palaces (離宮). In the early Joseon period, the primary palace was Gyeongbokgung Palace, and the secondary palace was Changdeokgung Palace. Additionally, there is the concept of imperial palaces (正宮). Gyeongbokgung Palace was the primary palace and the imperial palace. The topography of Gyeongbokgung is based on Mt. Baegak, which is the symbol of royal authority. The location of the palaces was chosen to highlight the king's dignity and authority. The three gates and three courts (三門三朝) were positioned on a straight line based on one axis along the ridge of Mt. Baegak to establish the legitimacy, hierarchy, and unity of the kingship. The secondary palace was built according to the demands of the king and the royal family or the political situation. It was created as a royal living space; thus, creating independent and diverse spaces along multiple axes. The primary palace was chosen to be built on the terrain of Yang, and the secondary palace was chosen to be built on the terrain of Yin; the criteria for laying buildings in the palace areas had to be different. The most important point in the formation of Joseon palaces was that the secret vital energy for the king (王氣) originated from the sacred mountain. Important elements of the palace were the secret vital energy chain of feng shui (風水氣脈) and the forbidden stream (禁川). The secret vital energy chain of feng shui was the gateway to the secret vital energy for the king, and the forbidden stream was a method of preventing the king from leaving the palace grounds. Gyeongbokgung Palace, which is on typical feng shui terrain, faithfully reflects the principles of feng shui. On the other hand, the secondary palace was built on incomplete and irregular feng shui terrain. Feng shui was part of the nature and the geography of the ruling classes in the Joseon Dynasty. By examining their geography, I believe that the perfection of traditional culture inheritance and restoration can be improved.

A Study on the Residential Environment Preference and Needs of the Multi-academic Young Single Family Based on Life Style (라이프스타일 기반 다학제적 청년층 1인 가구의 주거 환경 선호 및 요구 분석)

  • Lim, Jun Hyung;Choi, In Young;Park, Hey Kyung
    • Korea Science and Art Forum
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    • v.37 no.1
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    • pp.249-260
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    • 2019
  • Recently, the proportion of single-person households is on the increase in Korea, expected to reach 34.6% in 2035. Among the single-person households, Young single family households are facing greater difficulties due to high house prices in Korea. The government is expanding its support to Young single family, executing various policies such as public lease housings, private lease housings for youth, youth dormitory, etc. The purpose of this study is to understand the exact housing requirement of Young single family households who have different lifestyles with other age groups and provide base line data for youth house planning which will be in use later on. Study methods are shown below. First, this research studied the status and characteristics of Young single family households by looking into literature. Second, by studying previous studies concerned with life style and housing preferences of youth, the tool for investigating preferences and needs of housing environment by Young single family households was composed. Third, survey on characterstics of space usage, preferences and needs on flat composition, and preferences of interior design were conducted based on lifestyle of Young single family-households. The survey was conducted as an online survey using SNS for 150 Young single family holds from the age of 20 and 39, including students and office workers from December 2018 to January 2019. The results are as following. (1) Looking into the space usage characteristics, considering that various activities other than basic functions take place in bedroom and living room of small-sized Young single family households, we need to consider this additionally when planning the housing. (2) Looking into the preferences and composite needs of flat composition, the subjects demand separate bed room and more living room space, and also demand expansion of living room space where various activities take place and additional storage such as dress room in bed room (3) The preferences toward interior design show preferences toward modern style and achromatic color, a representative color. The subjects also prefer floor finishing materials normally used for living spaces, and indirect, soft lighting that uses wall. Also, there are differences between interior design preferences between students (20's) and office workers(30's) due to their different lifestyles. Research is needed to propose practical residential environment requirements and plans through a case study of actual public rental housing and a wider range of users.

Rationalization Processes in the Entertainment Business on the Modern Theatrical Field - Concerning the Financiers and the Agents from 1907 to the early 1920s - (한국 초기 문화산업사에서 흥행의 합리화 과정에 대한 연구-1907~1920년대 초까지 흥행 주체를 중심으로-)

  • Kwon, Do-hee
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.35
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    • pp.9-59
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    • 2017
  • This article describes the entertainment business system from 1907 to the first half of the 1920's. The entertainment business began at the time of Empire of Korea with the Imperial Theater called Hyeomnyulsa, which was supported by the emperor's authority and national system and run by the imperial court, especially Gungnaebu. However, after closing the imperial theater, many commercial theaters have been born since 1907, the role of the subject who dominate the entertainment business has been subdivided into financialist and agent. The financialist was replaced by civilians and the capacity of the agent has been strengthened after the introduction of Yeongeukgaeryanglon. In this condition the entertainment business had to be rationalized. In addition, before and after 1912, as the businessmen took part in the entertainment business instead of the government officials and social leaders, the role of entertainment business developed and became equipped with a modern system. Financialist who utilized economic capital was subdivided into the proprietor of a theater, investors, and bosses in the process of mobilizing the necessary funds for the construction, renovation, and repair of the theater, and agents who used cultural capital to practice and maintain performances, on the other hand played a role in expanding the diversity of the show in and outside the theater. In the theatre there was Chongmoo, Johapjang, Chwiche, and Jwadang of Gisaengjohaps, Sinpageukdans, Gyeongseonggupabaeujohap and various XXX Ilhaeng were outside the theater. They participated in the their own way. The financialist and agent used to set up cooperative relations and conflicts. The entertainment business was deepened and developed in the process of resolving the conflicts. However, Performance market could not grow as well as the possibility of a system equipped after 1915. This is because the Japanese imperialists limited the growth of the economic capital and cultural capital of the Koreans and even the composition of social capital. For this reason, Chosun's entertainment business system has grown in proportion to the absolute growth of the box office industry, but it has not developed as much as its potential capacity.