• 한국사회정책
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-23
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• 2016

This study evaluates the strategic capacity of Korean labor union movement by examining policy alternatives and strategic steps that the Federation of Korean Trade Unions and the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions have shown in response to Park Geun-Hye government's labor market structuring policies. While the government-led labor reform was carried out as intended, organized labor has not simply failed to achieve progressive labor reforms to enhance employment security, but also to exert their strategic capacity effectively for preventing Park's labor market flexibilization policies. The two national centers have not been able to exert their strategic capacity (such as intermediating, framing, articulating, learning) for mobilizing the resources of internal solidarity, network embeddedness, narrative discourse, and organizational infrastructure. In particular, the formation and diffusion of public discourse is a significant part of strategic capacity of labor unions dealing with the labor politics of labor market restructuring, since organized labor, which is under the unfavorable constraints of limited movement resources and power imbalance with the business circle, needs to mobilize massive support and participation from union members and civil society organizations. In this light, it becomes of more importance for labor union movement to exert their strategic capacity toward internal solidarity and network embeddedness in the stage of labor market reforms. Under the recent stage of labor reforms, however, the labor unions has not harnessed their movement resources effectively, but undertaken their protest in a traditional manner, thereby losing its public efficacy from inside and outside. Moreover, it is necessary to build and activate the network of organic solidarity among organized labor, civil society organizations and progressive political parties, in order to cope with the pro-business coalition of power elites for accomplishing pro-labor reforms.

• Archives of design research
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.253-266
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• 2001

In this study was groped a plan for an idea and method of design as the alternative of cure of cocial defect. Ailo, it was referred how an idea and method of design could be used for a cure of social defect and it was considered that an educational form that to actualize the idea and method of design is the basic structure of a cure or improvement of social defect. This educational form actualities exactly the 'media'which the idea and method of design pursue. In the end, an effect of media could probably make social change be practical.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.56 no.2
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• pp.255-276
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• 2010

Despite some critics' efforts to highlight Shelley's political fruitfulness, they tend to disregard meaningful differences that Shelley has from other Jacobin radicals of his times. Accordingly, the critics tackle his apparent incoherence revealed in A Philosophical View of Reform; the first two sections contain a keen insight into the socio-political injustice prevalent in Britain and the reasons behind it, while the third section withdraws from the previous radical position and settles with a moderate electorate reform. This paper argues that recent developments in post-structuralist and post-Marxist theory help to clearly assess Shelley's political position. Emphasizing that the Jacobin concept of revolution is incompatible with the plurality and opening which a radical democracy requires, post-marxists such as Ernest Laclau and Chantal Mouffee claim that a more viable form of political resistance is to expose repression and force involved in hegemonic articulations. For them, dislocation, a distabilization of a discourse that results from the emergence of events which cannot be domesticated, symbolized, or integrated within the discourse, opens up the possibility of freedom for agents. A Philosophical View of Reform is an attempt to dislocate the discourses of monarchy and paper money by exposing their social and historical constructiveness and their repressive exclusion of alternative discourses. The political goal of this essay is to awaken subjects within a hegemonic structure by decentering the structure and to make them act by stimulating new discoursive constructions.

• 기호학연구
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• no.57
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• pp.155-176
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• 2018

This article is a study of Karl Marx's manifesto and the reform in donghak for the modality and their symbolism. As a text, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels' declaration on the Communist Alliance and the reform program of the peasant Donghak were choose. This Declaration and the Reformation are the works of philosophical practice discourse of the 1800s in this article, which unfolds paradigmatically, deriving its common symbolic meaning in the semiotic sense, and evolving ideologically towards a democracy free of property. In the end, these two historical incident which are published in the contemporary breath, constitute an accusation against a nonhuman policy of surveillance and punishment. Twice a day, the space of the church is transformed into a factory, the act of dividing into two categories by capitalist and work and divorcing by accident is embodied as a social ethic. It is against the phenomenon that the structure of which no man exists is no longer institutionalized. The revolutionary movement aimed at breaking the framework of this hunt manifests itself in the two manifestos mentioned above, and Karl Marx completes the culmination of the utopia that must be achieved through the Declaration of the Communist Alliance by placing his being in the position of "eternal refugee". By choosing to die in his freedom developed during Jeon Bong-joon's trial, he also completes the people's spirit of revolution. In the case of simultaneous exploitation in East and West, the form of oppression is the withdrawal of capital from domination and power, and a new alternative to this is the philosophical context that allows the establishment of a new paradigm with "man is the greatest capital".

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.25
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• pp.163-187
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• 2004

Recognizing the contemporary critical situation of local newspapers in Korea, the present study purposed to consider plans to overcome such a crisis from various aspects and examine the possibility to implement the plans. Specific research question was plans to promote local newspapers on political and legislative dimension. The result of this study proved that the issue of activating local press must be discussed basically in conjunction with the implications and functions of power decentralization. This study also considered the opinion that so-called structural problems, which cannot be tackled by local newspaper, must be intervened in by the government on the dimension of promoting local newspapers politically and legislatively. In particular, the meaning of this study lies in that it was focused on supporting methods to prepare a bill for the special law of local newspaper promotion support, and proposed specific and practical plans.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.11
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• pp.447-456
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• 2020

Korean society is facing the 2017 regime and the era of the fourth industrial revolution. University education is trying to select agendas that focuses on public interest and innovation, which are key words, for change. Unlike recent efforts, practical changes are insufficient. There is a relative lack of discussion on the essence and theory of university education in South Korea. This study looked at the current location of Korean university education and discussed the essential direction from a point of view on critical pedagogy. So far, Korean university education has operated under the control of neo-liberalism for more than 20 years since the May 31 educational reform in 1995. Democracy and deindustrialization, the direction pursued by the 2017 regime and the Fourth Industrial Revolution, differs from neo-liberalism. Therefore, it is necessary to reflect on neo-liberalism and seek a subsequent turn of direction. Henry Giroux has been critical of the neo-liberalistic policy of American education, which has been a major discourse since 1980, and has discussed proposals for various changes. In particular, it provides clear coordinates for the features of human resources as educated people. For example, they are intellectuals, border intellectuals, and public intellectuals. These intellectuals have independent, autonomous, active, self-reliant characteristics and have a duty and accountability to pursue for public interests. It is also closely related to the 2017 regime and the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Along with this discussion, university education seems to need serious and rigorous discussion and consideration.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.347-377
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• 2009

This paper examines the tradition discourses in Korean modern drama of the late 19th and the early 20th. It focuses particularly on how key intellectuals differentiated the definition and interpreted 'Theater-Improvement' while they insisted on improving traditional performance. Tradition discourse focused on how to improve its contents of performances. There were three categories in discussion. First, Confucian intelligent insisted that traditional performance should be discarded, because it led to customs disorder among the public. Second, patriotic and progressive intellectuals led by Sin Chae-Ho(신채호) and Bak Yen-Sik(박은식), preferred the reformed content of traditional Korean performance dealing with historical heroes. in order to stimulate patriotism in the Korean. Third, Lee In-Jik(이인직) who had worked at a popular newspaper company in Japan tried to make 'New Theater' criticizing decayed officials and the stupid nation. He did not concern about the colonialism of Japan. In the late 19th and the early 20th in Korean modern drama history, tradition discourses faced different directions, dependent on their political positions, familiar foreign cultures, and their view on traditional cultures.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.14 no.5
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• pp.480-491
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• 2008

Recent globalization and de-industrialization have caused intensive competition among places; hence, cities worldwide are pursuing regeneration and enhanced competitiveness through cultural strategies. Focusing on the cultural strategies of local cities in Japan, this paper reveals that the concept of "being-a-region" is key to cultural strategies, and explores what logic is inherent in such regional developments. Since the period of rapid economic growth, Japanese local cities have played the role of "Furusato(home) for Japanese." With the recent decentralization, "being-a-region" is now emerging as a powerful discourse for the cultural strategies of local cities. This idea of "being-a-region" can be largely defined as a region's special character or even an existential sense of place, but in fact it is political relationships among agencies that define the region. "Being a region" in Japan appears to extend to "being a nation." Thus, it would be necessary to focus on the power relationships that surround the concept of "being a region" when we deal with the meaning of region in relationships to cultural strategies of local cities.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.5
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• pp.633-642
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• 2022

This is conducted with the aim of critical discussions on existing arguments, focusing on the establishment of a higher lifelong learning ecosystem. First, this study discusses the characteristics of university education in Korea and the discourse on the crisis of local universities. Second, the arguments on the establishment of lifelong learning society and a lifelong learning system. Third, the arguments for the establishment of a higher lifelong learning ecosystem are reviewed and practical measures for this are critically discussed. The conclusion is as follows. Measures for the establishment of a higher lifelong learning ecosystem have been discussed in considerable detail, and through this, the possibility of overcoming the crisis of local universities and balanced regional development is sufficient. However, first, the university should play a central role, but this study questions whether university reform could be achieved to suit it. Second, in order to overcome the crisis, national responsibility, responsibility, and continuous support are required. On the other hand, it raised questions about whether cooperation from the current Korean government authorities is possible. Third, local communities should also achieve governance and participate in democratic ways, raising questions about whether a foundation-forming strategy for stakeholder consensus is established.

• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2000.04a
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• pp.847-865
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• 2000

In a broad range of socio-economic and political systems, we could be able to say that the common and highest goal of all nations is the well-being of the people. From this point of view, it can be seen that two significant historic developments were achieved in the 20th century. One was the maximization of productivity through the socially efficient distribution of resources and the other was the concept of national welfare, which assumes social responsibility for the basic livelihood of human beings. In this point, it is need not only to strengthen economic wealth, but also to redistribute resources equitably. Efficiency and equity, economic and growth, and national welfare emphasize the above-mentioned principle, but they are deeply interdependent in that the well-being of the people cannot be guaranteed in the presence of only one of those. This study aims to find out the equilibrium point those problems in the productive welfare policy in Korea. Finally, it is necessary to develop productive welfare systems in order to solve the issues well.