• The Journal of the Korean life insurance medical association
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• v.24
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• pp.49-78
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• 2005

Ⅰ. 연구(硏究) 배경(背景) 및 목적(目的) o 우리나라 보험시장의 세대가입율은 86%로 보험시장 성숙기에 진입하였으며 기존의 전통적인 전업채널에서 방카슈랑스의 도입, 온라인전문보험사의 출현, TM 영업의 성장세 等멀티채널로 진행되고 있음 o LTC(장기간병), CI(치명적질환), 실손의료보험 등(等)선 진형 건강상품의 잇따른 출시로 보험리스크 관리측면에서 언더라이팅의 대비가 절실한 시점임 o 상품과 마케팅 等언더라이팅 측면에서 매우 밀접한 영역의 변화에 발맞추어 언더라이팅의 인수기법의 선진화가 시급히 요구되는 상황하에서 위험을 적절히 분류하고 평가하는 선진적 언더라이팅 기법 구축이 필수 적임 o 궁극적으로 고객의 다양한 보장니드 충족과 상품, 마케팅, 언더라이팅의 경쟁력 강화를 통한 보험사의 종합이익 극대화에 기여할 수 있는 방안을 모색하고자 함 Ⅱ. 선진보험시장(先進保險市場)Risk 세분화사례(細分化事例) 1. 환경적위험(環境的危險)에 따른 보험료(保險料) 차등(差等) (1) 위험직업 보험료 할증 o 미국, 유럽등(等) 대부분의 선진시장에서는 가입당시 피보험자의 직업위험도에 따라 보험료를 차등 적용중(中)임 o 가입하는 보장급부에 따라 직업 분류방법 및 할증방식도 상이하며 일반사망과 재해사망,납입면제, DI에 대해서 별도의 방법을 사용함 o 할증적용은 표준위험율의 일정배수를 적용하여 할증 보험료를 산출하거나, 가입금액당 일정한 추가보험료를 적용하고 있음 - 광부의 경우 재해사망 가입시 표준위험율의 300% 적용하며, 일반사망 가입시 $1,000당 $2.95 할증보험료 부가 (2) 위험취미 보험료 할증 o 취미와 관련 사고의 지속적 다발로 취미활동도 위험요소로 인식되어 보험료를 차등 적용중(中)임 o 할증보험료는 보험가입금액당 일정비율로 부가(가입 금액과 무관)하며, 신종레포츠 등(等)일부 위험취미는 통계의 부족으로 언더라이터가 할증율 결정하여 적용함 - 패러글라이딩 년(年)$26{\sim}50$회(回) 취미생활의 경우 가입금액 $1,000당 재해사망 $2, DI보험 8$ 할증보험료 부가 o 보험료 할증과는 별도로 위험취미에 대한 부담보를 적용함. 위험취미 활동으로 인한 보험사고 발생시 사망을 포함한 모든 급부에 대한 보장을 부(不)담보로 인수함. (3) 위험지역 거주/ 여행 보험료 할증 o 피보험자가 거주하고 있는 특정국가의 임시 혹은 영구적 거주시 기후위험, 거주지역의 위생과 의료수준, 여행위험, 전쟁과 폭동위험 등(等)을 고려하여 평가 o 일반사망, 재해사망 등(等)보장급부별로 할증보험료 부가 또는 거절 o 할증보험료는 보험全기간에 대해 동일하게 적용 - 러시아의 경우 가입금액 $1,000당 일반사망은 2$의 할증보험료 부가, 재해사망은 거절 (4) 기타 위험도에 대한 보험료 차등 o 비행관련 위험은 세가지로 분류(항공운송기, 개인비행, 군사비행), 청약서, 추가질문서, 진단서, 비행이력 정보를 바탕으로 할증보험료를 부가함 - 농약살포비행기조종사의 경우 가입금액 $1,000당 일반사망 6$의 할증보험료 부가, 재해사망은 거절 o 미국, 일본등(等)서는 교통사고나 교통위반 관련 기록을 활용하여 무(無)사고운전자에 대해 보험료 할인(우량체 위험요소로 활용) 2. 신체적위험도(身體的危險度)에 따른 보험료차등(保險料差等) (1) 표준미달체 보험료 할증 1) 총위험지수 500(초과위험지수 400)까지 인수 o 300이하는 25점단위, 300점 초과는 50점 단위로 13단계로 구분하여 할증보험료를 적용중(中)임 2) 삭감법과 할증법을 동시 적용 o 보험금 삭감부분만큼 할증보험료가 감소하는 효과가 있어 청약자에게 선택의 기회를 제공할수 있으며 고(高)위험 피보험자에게 유용함 3) 특정암에 대한 기왕력자에 대해 단기(Temporary)할증 적용 o 질병성향에 따라 가입후 $1{\sim}5$년간 할증보험료를 부가하고 보험료 할증 기간이 경과한 후에는 표준체보험료를 부가함 4) 할증보험료 반환옵션(Return of the extra premium)의 적용 o 보험계약이 유지중(中)이며, 일정기간 생존시 할증보험료가 반환됨 (2) 표준미달체 급부증액(Enhanced annuity) o 영국에서는 표준미달체를 대상으로 연금급부를 증가시킨 증액형 연금(Enhanced annuity) 상품을 개발 판매중(中)임 o 흡연, 직업, 병력 등(等)다양한 신체적, 환경적 위험도에 따라 표준체에 비해 증액연금을 차등 지급함 (3) 우량 피보험체 가격 세분화 o 미국시장에서는 $8{\sim}14$개 의적, 비(非)의적 위험요소에 대한 평가기준에 따라 표준체를 최대 8개 Class로 분류하여 할인보험료를 차등 적용 - 기왕력, 혈압, 가족력, 흡연, BMI, 콜레스테롤, 운전, 위험취미, 거주지, 비행력, 음주/마약 등(等) o 할인율은 회사, Class, 가입기준에 따라 상이(최대75%)하며, 가입연령은 최저 $16{\sim}20$세, 최대 $65{\sim}75$세, 최저보험금액은 10만달러(HIV검사가 필요한 최저 금액) o 일본시장에서는 $3{\sim}4$개 위험요소에 따라 $3{\sim}4$개 Class로 분류 우량체 할인중(中)임 o 유럽시장에서는 영국 등(等)일부시장에서만 비(非)흡연할인 또는 우량체할인 적용 Ⅲ. 국내보험시장(國內保險市場) 현황(現況)및 문제점(問題點) 1. 환경적위험도(環境的危險度)에 따른 가입한도제한(加入限度制限) (1) 위험직업 보험가입 제한 o 업계공동의 직업별 표준위험등급에 따라 각 보험사 자체적으로 위험등급별 가입한도를 설정 운영중(中)임. 비(非)위험직과의 형평성, 고(高)위험직업 보장 한계, 수익구조 불안정화 등(等)문제점을 내포하고 있음 - 광부의 경우 위험1급 적용으로 사망 최대 1억(億), 입원 1일(日) 2만원까지 제한 o 금융감독원이 2002년(年)7월(月)위험등급별 위험지수를 참조 위험율로 인가하였으나, 비위험직은 70%, 위험직은 200% 수준으로 산정되어 현실적 적용이 어려움 (2) 위험취미 보험가입 제한 o 해당취미의 직업종사자에 준(準)하여 직업위험등급을 적용하여 가입 한도를 제한하고 있음. 추가질문서를 활용하여 자격증 유무, 동호회 가입등(等)에 대한 세부정보를 입수하지 않음 - 패러글라이딩의 경우 위험2급을 적용, 사망보장 최대 2 억(億)까지 제한 (3) 거주지역/ 해외여행 보험가입 제한 o 각(各)보험사별로 지역적 특성상 사고재해 다발 지역에 대해 보험가입을 제한하고 있음 - 강원, 충청 일부지역 상해보험 가입불가 - 전북, 태백 일부지역 입원급여금 1일(日)2만원이내 o 해외여행을 포함한 해외체류에 대해서는 일정한 가입 요건을 정하여 운영중(中)이며, 가입한도 설정 보험가입을 제한하거나 재해집중보장 상품에 대해 거절함 - 러시아의 경우 단기체류는 위험1급 및 상해보험 가입 불가, 장기 체류는 거절처리함 2. 신체적위험도(身體的危險度)에 따른 인수차별화(引受差別化) (1) 표준미달체 인수방법 o 체증성, 항상성 위험에 대한 초과위험지수를 보험금삭감법으로 전환 사망보험에 적용(최대 5년(年))하여 5년(年)이후 보험 Risk노출 심각 o 보험료 할증은 일부 회사에서 주(主)보험 중심으로 사용중(中)이며, 총위험지수 300(8단계)까지 인수 - 주(主)보험 할증시 특약은 가입 불가하며, 암 기왕력자는 대부분 거절 o 신체부위 39가지, 질병 5가지에 대해 부담보 적용(입원, 수술 등(等)생존급부에 부담보) (2) 비(非)흡연/ 우량체 보험료 할인 o 1999년(年)최초 도입 이래 $3{\sim}4$개의 위험요소로 1개 Class 운영중(中)임 S생보사의 경우 비(非)흡연우량체, 비(非)흡연표준체의 2개 Class 운영 o 보험료 할인율은 회사, 상품에 따라 상이하며 최대 22%(영업보험료기준)임. 흡연여부는 뇨스틱을 활용 코티닌테스트를 실시함 o 우량체 판매는 신계약의 $2{\sim}15%$수준(회사의 정책에 따라 상이) Ⅳ. 언더라이팅 기법(技法) 선진화(先進化) 방안(方案) 1. 직업위험도별 보험료 차등 적용 o 생 손보 직업위험등급 일원화와 연계하여 3개등급으로 위험지수개편, 비위험직 기준으로 보험요율 차별적용 2. 위험취미에 대한 부담보 적용 o 해당취미를 원인으로 보험사고(사망포함) 발생시 부담보 제도 도입 3. 표준미달체 인수기법 선진화를 통한 인수범위 대폭 확대 o 보험료 할증법 적용 확대를 통한 Risk 헷지로 총위험지수 $300{\rightarrow}500$으로 확대(거절건 최소화) 4. 보험료 할증법 보험금 삭감 병행 적용 o 삭감기간을 적용한 보험료 할증방식 개발, 고객에게 선택권 제공 5. 기한부 보험료할증 부가 o 위암, 갑상선암 등(等)특정암의 성향에 따라 위험도가 높은 가입초기에 평준할증보험료를 적용하여 인수 6. 보험료 할증법 부가특약 확대 적용, 부담보 병행 사용 o 정기특약 등(等)사망관련 특약에 할증법 확대, 생존급부 특약은 부담보 7. 표준체 고객 세분화 확대 o 콜레스테롤, HDL 등(等)위험평가요소 확대를 통한 Class 세분화 Ⅴ. 기대효과(期待效果) 1. 고(高)위험직종사자, 위험취미자, 표준미달체에 대한 보험가입 문호개방 2. 보험계약자간 형평성 제고 및 다양한 고객의 보장니드에 부응 3. 상품판매 확대 및 Risk헷지를 통한 수입보험료 증대 및 사차익 개선 4. 본격적인 가격경쟁에 대비한 보험사 체질 개선 5. 회사 이미지 제고 및 진단 거부감 해소, 포트폴리오 약화 방지 Ⅵ. 결론(結論) o 종래의 소극적이고 일률적인 인수기법에서 탈피하여 피보험자를 다양한 측면에서 위험평가하여 적정 보험료 부가와 합리적 가입조건을 제시하는 적절한 위험평가 수단을 도입하고, o 언더라이팅 인수기법의 선진화와 함께 언더라이팅 인력의 전문화, 정보입수 및 시스템 인프라의 구축 등이 병행함으로써, o 보험사의 사차손익 관리측면에서 뿐만 아니라 보험시장 개방 및 급변하는 보험환경에 대비한 한국 생보언더라이팅 경쟁력 강화 및 언더라이터의 글로벌화에도 크게 기여할 것임.

• Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.141-158
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• 1994

To provide better health care services to the rural population, the government has made the Community Health Practitioner(CHP) a regular government official from April 1, 1992. This study was carried out to study the impact of officialization of CHP on the activities and management system of Primary Health Post(PHP). Fifty PHPs were selected by two stage sampling, cluster and simple random, from 595 PHPs in Kyungnam and Kyungpook provinces. Data were collected by a personal interview with CHPs and review of records and reports kept in the PHPs. The study was done for the periods of January 1-March 31, 1992 (before officialization) and January 1-March 31, 1993 (after officialization). Ninety-six percent of the CHPs wanted to become a regular government official in the hope of better job security and higher salary. The proportion of CHPs who were proud of their iob was increased from 24% to 46% after officialization. Those CHPs who felt insecure for their job decreased from 30% to 10%. Monthly salary was increased by 34% from 802,600 Won to 1,076,000 Won and 90% of the CHPs were satisfied with their salary, also more CHPs responded that they have autonomy in their work planning, implementation of plan, management of the post, and evaluation of their activity. There were no appreciable changes in such CHPs' activities as assessment of local health resources, drawing map for the catchment area, utilization of community organization, grasping the current population structure in the catchment area, keeping the family health records, individual and group health education, and school health service. However, the number of home visits was increased from 13.6 times on the average per month per CHP to 27.5 times. More mothers and children were referred to other medical facilities for the immunization and family planning services. Average number of patients of hypertension, cancer, and diabetes in three months period was decreased from 12.7 to 11.6, from 1.5 to 1.2, and 4.3 to 3.4, respectively. Records for the patient care, drug management, and equipment were well kept but not for other records. The level of record keeping was not changed after officialization. The proportion of PHPs which had support from the health center was increased for drug supply from 14.0% to 30.0%, for consumable commodities from 22.0% to 52.0%, for maintenance of PHP from 54.0% to 68.0%, for supply of health education materials from 34.0% to 44.0%, and supply of equipment from 54.0% to 58.0%. Total monthly revenue of a PHP was increased by about 50,000 Won; increased by 22,000 Won in patient care and 34,700 Won in the government subsidy but decreased in the membership due and donation. However, there was no remarkable changes in the expenditure. The proportion of PHPs which had received official notes from the health center for the purpose of guidance and supervision of the CHPs was increased from 20% to 38% during three months period and the average number of telephone call for supervision from the health center per PHP was increased from 1.8 to 2.1 times(p<0.01). However, the proportion of PHPs that had supervisory visit and conference was reduced from 79% to 62%, and from 88% to 74%, respectively. The proportion of CHPs who maintained a cooperative relationship with Myun Health Workers was reduced from 42% to 36%, that with the director of health center from 46% to 24%, that with the chief of public health administration section from 56% to 36%, and that with the chairman of PHP management council from 62% to 38%. Most of the CHPs (92% before and 82% after officialization) stated that the PHP management council is not helpful for the PHP. CHPs who considered the PHP management council unnecessary increased from 4% to 16%(p<0.05). Suggestions made by the CHPs for the improvement of CHP program included emphasis on health education, assurance of autonomy for PHP management, increase of the kind of drugs that can be dispensed by CHPs, and appointment of an experienced CHP in the health center as the supervisor of CHPs. The results of this study revealed that the role and function of CHPs as reflected in their activities have not been changed after officialization. However, satisfaction in job security and salary was improved as well as the autonomy. Support of health center to the PHP was improved but more official notes were sent to the PHPs which required the CHPs more paper works. Number of telephone calls for supervision was increased but there was little administrative and technical guidance for the CHP activities.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.1-16
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• 1970

The present status of control measures for public health important helminthic infections in Korea was surveyed in 1969 and the following results were obtained. The activities of parasitic examination and Ascaris treatment for the positives which were done during 1966 to 1969 were brought in poor result and could not decrease the infection rate. It is needed to improve or strengthen the activities. The mass treatment activities for paragonimiasis and clonorchiasis in the areas which were designated by the Ministry of Health were carried out during 1965 to 1968 with no good results in decrease of estimated number of the patients. There were too many pharmaceutical companies where many kinds of anthelmintics were produced. It may be better to reduce the number of anthelmintics produced and control the quality. The human feces, the most important source of helminthic infections, was generally not treated in sanitary ways because of the poor sewerage system and no sewage treatment plant in urban areas and insanitary latrines in rural areas. The field soils of 170 specimens were collected from 34 areas out of 55 urban and tourist areas where night soil has been prohibited by a regulation to be used as a fertilizer, and examined for parasites contamination with the result of Ascaris egg detection in 44%. Some kinds of vegetables of 64 specimens each from the supply agents of parasite free vegetables and general markets were collected and examined for parasites contamination with the results of Ascaris egg detection in 25% and 36% respectively. The parasite control activities and the ability of parasitological examination techniques in the health centers of the country were not satisfactory. The budget of the Ministry of Health for the parasite control was very poor. The actual expenditure needed for cellophane thick smear technique was 8 Won per a specimen. As a principle the control of helminthic infections might be led toward breaking the chain of events in the life cycle of the prasites and eliminating environmental and host factors concerned with the infections, and the following methods nay be pointed out. 1) Mass treatment might be done to eliminate human reservoirs of an infection. 2) Animal reservoirs which are related with human infections night be eliminated. 3) The excretes of reservoirs, particularly human feces, should be treated in sanitary ways by the means of sanitary sewerage system and sewage treatment plant in urban areas and sanitary latrines such as waterborne latrine, aqua privy and pit latrine in rural areas. The increase of national economical development and prohibition of the habit of using night soils as a fertilizer might be very important factors to achieve the purpose. 4) The control of vehicles and intermediate hosts might be done by the means of prohibition of soil contamination with parasites, food sanitation, insect control and snail control. 5) The improvement of insanitary attitudes and bad habits which are related with parasitic infections night be done by the means of prohibition of habit of using night soils as a fertilizer, and improving eating habits and personal hygiene. 6) Chemoprophylactic measure and vaccination may be effective to prevent the infections or the development of a parasite to adult in the bodies when the bodies were invaded by parasites. Further studies and development of this kind of measures are needed.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.2
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• pp.186-205
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• 2013

${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ in the Kansong Art Museum is an album of poems and pictures of apricot tree, orchids and bamboos drawn by Lee Jeong. Given that the poems and pictures in the album were drawn by Lee Jeong who has been recognized as a person who established the standards of ink bamboo drawings in the Joseon Dynasty, the album is highly valuable. Nevertheless, there are more values and meanings that Three Purities Album has. The production circumstances and transmission processes of Three Purities Album include the historical characteristics and meanings of the time so that it is also worthwhile as a historical material. During the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, Lee Jeong was stabbed with a sword by Japanese invaders and got injured. After he suffered, he tried to make his masterpiece in his lifework and finally created Three Purities Album. For the work, Lee Jeong received memorial writings from Choi Rip, Cha Cheon-ro and Han Ho, and asked them writings. They were the best literary men in the poem and calligraphy fields at that time. Yu Geun, Lee An-nul, and Yu Mong-in made writings and poems to praise his work. Likewise, ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ is the 'treasure of the time' created through the participation of the best literary men at that time. Given the aspects, it is fair to say that ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ is not simply a personal artwork of Lee Jeong, but is a comprehensive artwork and also a cultural monument created through the skills and capabilities of the literary artists in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty. After the death of Lee Jeong, Three Purities Album was handed over to Hong Ju-won. But, during the second Manchu Invasion into Korea in 1636, the album was in danger of disappearance by fire. As of now, there are still signs of fire in it, which vividly shows the urgent situation at that time. After the second Manchu Invasion into Korea in 1636, Hong Ju-won recovered some damaged writings with the help of Yoon Shin-ji. Since then, the album had been handed down as a family treasure over the next 7 generations. It can be found in the writings by Song Si-yeol and Uh Yu-bong. Unlike the literary men who praised Three Purities Album in terms of its work when Lee Joeng was alive, they focused on the transmission courses of the album and involved persons. That seems to be because the stories and characters appearing in Three Purities Album impressed the later literary men and were meaningful to them rather than the album itself. It strongly reflected the positions of Hong Jung-gi and Hung Sang-han who asked for writings as the descendants of Hong Ju-won. That is because the traces of the persons involved in Three Purities Album are the causes for admiring their ancestors and enhancing their political legitimacy and family dignity. Therefore, in this aspect, it is possible to witness the fundamental causes of the unique artistic awareness by East Asian people who consider their historical meanings as well as the aesthetic value of artworks significant. Unfortunately, during the Japanese invasion at the end of the Joseon Dynasty, Three Purities Album was handed over to Japanese Tzuboikouso. But, fortunately, Jeon Hyeong-pil who made an effort to regain our cultural assets by investing his entire property during the Japanese Imperialism regained the album, which is now preserved in the Kansong Art Museum. ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ truly includes the whole processes to overcome national crises that Korean people experienced during the Japanese Invasion in 1592, the second Manchu Invasion of Korea in 1636, and the Japanese Imperialism, and it shows the sufferings of our cultural assets and the history of preservation. Also, the album shows that one artwork is able to accumulate its historical meanings in the process of transmission and thus enhances its meanings and values. ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ features accumulative and constant historical meanings and it is a typical case showing that an artwork is plenty of aesthetic and historical values. It is expected that this work will contribute to promoting more studies on finding historical meanings and hysteresis of artworks.

• Asia Marketing Journal
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.65-96
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• 2012

Brand has received much attention from considerable marketing research. When consumers consume product or services, they are exposed to a lot of brand related stimuli. These contain brand personality, brand experience, brand identity, brand communications and so on. A special kind of new crisis occasionally confronting companies' brand management today is the brand related rumor. An important influence on consumers' purchase decision making is the word-of-mouth spread by other consumers and most decisions are influenced by other's recommendations. In light of this influence, firms have reasonable reason to study and understand consumer-to-consumer communication such as brand rumor. The importance of brand rumor to marketers is increasing as the number of internet user and SNS(social network service) site grows. Due to the development of internet technology, people can spread rumors without the limitation of time, space and place. However relatively few studies have been published in marketing journals and little is known about brand rumors in the marketplace. The study of rumor has a long history in all major social science. But very few studies have dealt with the antecedents and consequences of any kind of brand rumor. Rumor has been generally described as a story or statement in general circulation without proper confirmation or certainty as to fact. And it also can be defined as an unconfirmed proposition, passed along from people to people. Rosnow(1991) claimed that rumors were transmitted because people needed to explain ambiguous and uncertain events and talking about them reduced associated anxiety. Especially negative rumors are believed to have the potential to devastate a company's reputation and relations with customers. From the perspective of marketer, negative rumors are considered harmful and extremely difficult to control in general. It is becoming a threat to a company's sustainability and sometimes leads to negative brand image and loss of customers. Thus there is a growing concern that these negative rumors can damage brands' reputations and lead them to financial disaster too. In this study we aimed to distinguish antecedents of brand rumor transmission and investigate the effects of brand rumor characteristics on rumor spread intention. We also found key components in personal acceptance of brand rumor. In contextualist perspective, we tried to unify the traditional psychological and sociological views. In this unified research approach we defined brand rumor's characteristics based on five major variables that had been found to influence the process of rumor spread intention. The five factors of usefulness, source credibility, message credibility, worry, and vividness, encompass multi level elements of brand rumor. We also selected product involvement as a control variable. To perform the empirical research, imaginary Korean 'Kimch' brand and related contamination rumor was created and proposed. Questionnaires were collected from 178 Korean samples. Data were collected from college students who have been experienced the focal product. College students were regarded as good subjects because they have a tendency to express their opinions in detail. PLS(partial least square) method was adopted to analyze the relations between variables in the equation model. The most widely adopted causal modeling method is LISREL. However it is poorly suited to deal with relatively small data samples and can yield not proper solutions in some cases. PLS has been developed to avoid some of these limitations and provide more reliable results. To test the reliability using SPSS 16 s/w, Cronbach alpha was examined and all the values were appropriate showing alpha values between .802 and .953. Subsequently, confirmatory factor analysis was conducted successfully. And structural equation modeling has been used to analyze the research model using smartPLS(ver. 2.0) s/w. Overall, R² of adoption of rumor is .476 and R² of intention of rumor transmission is .218. The overall model showed a satisfactory fit. The empirical results can be summarized as follows. According to the results, the variables of brand rumor characteristic such as source credibility, message credibility, worry, and vividness affect argument strength of rumor. And argument strength of rumor also affects rumor intention. On the other hand, the relationship between perceived usefulness and argument strength of rumor is not significant. The moderating effect of product involvement on the relations between argument strength of rumor and rumor W.O.M intention is not supported neither. Consequently this study suggests some managerial and academic implications. We consider some implications for corporate crisis management planning, PR and brand management. This results show marketers that rumor is a critical factor for managing strong brand assets. Also for researchers, brand rumor should become an important thesis of their interests to understand the relationship between consumer and brand. Recently many brand managers and marketers have focused on the short-term view. They just focused on strengthen the positive brand image. According to this study we suggested that effective brand management requires managing negative brand rumors with a long-term view of marketing decisions.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.184-254
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• 2022

Through this thesis, the psychological meaning of the Korean folktale 'the servant who ruined the master's house' was examined. The opposition between the master and the servant is a universal matter of the human psychology. It can be seen as a conflict between the hardened existing collective consciousness and the new consciousness to compensate for and renew it. From different angles, it has become the opposition between man's spiritual and instinctive aspects, between the conscious and the unconscious, or between the ego and the shadow. In the folktale, the master tries several times to get rid of the youngest servant, but the servant uses tricks and wits to steal food, a horse, the youngest sister, and all money from the master, and finally, take his life. It ends with the marriage of the youngest sister and the servant. Enantiodromia, in which the master dies, and the servant becomes the new master, can be seen that the old collective consciousness is destroyed, and the new consciousness that has risen from the collective unconscious takes the dominant position. In an individual's psychological situation, it can be seen that the existing attitude of the ego is dissolved and transformed into a new attitude. In the middle of the story, the servant marries the youngest sister by exploiting naive people to rewrite the back letter written by the master to kill him. This aspect can be understood negatively in the moral concept of collective consciousness, but it can also be seen as a process of integrating mental elements that have been ignored in the collective consciousness of the Joseon Dynasty, symbolized by a woman, a honey seller, and a hungry Buddhist monk. The new consciousness, represented by the servant, has the characteristics of a trickster that is not bound by the existing frame, so it can encompass the psychological elements that have been ignored in the collective consciousness. Such element may represent compensation or an alternative to the collective consciousness in the late Joseon Dynasty. The master puts the servant in a leather bag and hangs it on a tree to kill the servant. However, the servant deceives a blind man; he opened his eyes while hanged. Instead of the servant, the blind man dies, and the servant is freed. As the problem of the conflict between master and servant is finally entrusted to the whole spirit (Self) symbolized by a tree, the blind man gets removed. It can be understood as an intention of the Self to distinguish and purify the elements of recklessness, stupidity, and greed included in the trickster. Through these processes, the servant, which symbolizes a new change in collective consciousness or a new attitude of ego, solves the existing problems and takes the place of the master. While listening to the cunning servant's performance, the audience feels a sense of joy and liberation. At the same time, in the part where the blind man and the master's family die instead and the servant becomes the master, they experience feelings of fear and concern about the danger and uncontrollability of the servant. The tricksters appearing in foreign analogies are also thoroughly selfish and make innocent beings deceive or die in order to satisfy their desires and escape from danger. Efforts to punish or reform these tricksters are futile and they run away. Therefore, this folktale can also be seen as having a purpose and meaning to let us know that this archetypal shadow is very dangerous and that consciousness cannot control or assimilate it, but only awe and contemplate it. Trickster is an irrational manifestation of revivifying natural energy that rises from the unconscious as a compensation for hardened existing structure and order. The phenomenon may be destructive and immoral from the standpoint of the existing collective mind, but it should be seen as a function of the collective unconscious, a more fundamental psychic function that cannot be morally defined. The servant, a figure of the trickster archetype, is a being that brings transformation and has the duality and contradiction of destructiveness and creativity. The endings of this folktale's analogies are diverse, reflecting the diversified response of the audience's mind due to the ambivalence of the trickster, and also suggesting various responses toward the problem of the trickster from the unconscious. It also shows that the trickster is a problem of inconclusive and controversial contradictions that cannot be controlled with a conscious rational attitude, and that we can only seriously contemplate the trickster archetype within us.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.