• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.33 no.3
• /
• pp.38-49
• /
• 2015

This study aims to contemplated spatial recognition in Soswaewon Garden through garden visitors poetry. It was content analysis in poetry and extract frequency from words based on relationship of author. The results were as follows. First, relationship of authors who wrote Soswaewon Garden poetry was formed in companionship. In the Yang, San-Bo(梁山甫), poetry was written by Song, Soon(宋純), Kim, Un-Geo(金彦据) and Kim, In-Hu(金麟厚) as the central figure. Especially Kim, In-Hu was playing an important role in Soswaewon Garden poetry. He was wrote many of poetry and keep friends with Yang, Ja-Jeong(梁子渟) too. In the Yang, Ja-Jung, relationship of previous generation was sustained. In addition, Ko, Gyeong-Myeong(高敬命) and Kim, Seong-Won and Jeong, Chul(鄭澈) is more closely related than others. Because blood relationship by marriage. In the Yang, Jin-Tae(梁晋泰), He formed a relationship with a celebrity and attend to international activity. Since then Yang, Jin-Tae periord, Yang, Gyeong-Ji(梁敬之) and Yang, Chae-Ji(梁采之) formed relationship of previous generation was sustained. And surrounding people was written poetry as hold a banquet. Second, plant and ornament is a popular object for writing poetry. Bamboo grove and Fine tree with a high frequency of plant element in poetry. Bamboo grove is a typical species of trees in Soswaewon Garden. It was enclosed the Soswaewon Garden. Fine tree was often used target of poetry as a single tree. Meanwhile, ornament of the wall has been used most frequently. Descendants wrote a poem to see it because Kim, In-Hu's poetry was left. This phenomenon is involves respect for the ancient sages with high frequency. In addition, behavior of viewing the landscape was mainly appeared. Third, spatial recognition of Soswaewon Garden can be divided into landscape cognition, behavior cognition and emotional cognition. In a aspect of landscape cognition, early Soswaewon Garden was recognized as a pavilion. That was used garden name to 'Soswaewon Garden' since Yang, Ja-Jung's period. That is to say, Soswaewon Garden expanded from pavilion area surrounded by trees into the whole appearance is equipped garden area. Behavior cognition was consisting drink and enjoys a landscape. In the Yang, San-Bo, authors enjoyed drinking and viewing a landscape besides walking, writing poetry, viewing the moon. But after Yang, San-Bo's period other than drinking and enjoy a landscape has appeared a low frequency. These results were changed from internal place to blood relationship into external place to companionship. In the Yang, San-Bo's emotional cognition was sorrow and yearning about leave to Soswaewon Garden with an idly atmosphere. Pleasant emotion was sustained all generation. And emotion of respect for the ancient sages was appeared since Yang, Cheon-un.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
• /
• v.77 no.3
• /
• pp.303-314
• /
• 1988

Tong-ri beach has not enough vegetation to be enjoyed by the sea bathers and to be satisfied with preventing the disaster-damages, but mixed forest near the beach can work its funtions and the old forest of Pirus thunbergii $P_{ARL}$. near the beach do a Little. Therefore it is very urgent to plant more trees near the beach for bathers and disaster-damage prevention. This study was carried out for planning an afforestation, with reporting upon the crown amounts and soil properties of disaster-damage prevention forests of P. thunbergii $P_{ARL}$. planted on the coast sand dunes in 1970 and 1976, and with reporting upon the valuation on soil properties of the lands near the beach in order to set the afforestation site. The results are as follows : 1. In disaster-damage prevention forests, crown surface area and crown volume became increasingly greater in proportion to the height. To D.B.H., crown volume also became increasingly greater in proportion, but crown surface area was directly proportional. 2. In comparison to sail characteristics of sand dune, those of the forests were in large quantity in OM, T-N and avail. $SiO_2$, and almost in the same in avail. $P_2O_5$, but in small quantity in exchangeable canons : K, Ca, Mg and Na. 3. EC, Cl and pH were in small value in the forest soils, but CEC was in large value in those soils. 4. Above facts showed that the forests fulfill their functions for preventing disaster-damages and improve their soil properties. 5. The forests have naturally been thinned up to 34% in 17 years and 39% in 11 years, and one can easily pass through the forest(planted in 1970), because of its sufficient clear-length(2.71m) and its space to pass. 6. A plan for afforestation was oracle nut after judging several sites by the evaluation on the soil properties and considering the best relaxation and the prevention of the various disaster-damages upon which were reported in the last issue. 7. Afforestation should be kept for maintaining its appropriate density for best relaxation and disaster-damage prevention.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.38 no.2
• /
• pp.312-323
• /
• 2003

This writer absolutely agrees with the government that regional disequilibrium is severe enough to consider moving the administrative capital. Pursuing this course solely to establish a balanced development, however, is not a convincing enough reason. The capital city is directly related to not only the social and economic situation but, much more importantly, to the domestic political situation as well. In the mid-1970s, the proposal by the Third Republic to move the capital city temporarily was based completely on security reasons. At e time, the then opposition leader Kim, Dae-jung said that establishing a safe distance from the demilitarized zone(DMZ) reflected a typically military decision. His view was that retaining the capital city close to the DMZ would show more consideration for the will of the people to defend their own country. In fact, independent Pakistan moved its capital city from Karachi to Islamabad, situated dose to Kashmir the subject of hot territorial dispute with India. It is regrettable that no consideration has been given to the urgent political situation in the Korean peninsula, which is presently enveloped in a dense nuclear fog. As a person requires health to pursue his/her dream, a country must have security to implement a balanced territorial development. According to current urban theories, the fate of a country depends on its major cities. A negligently guarded capital city runs the risk of becoming hostage and bringing ruin to the whole country. In this vein, North Koreas undoubted main target of attack in the armed communist reunification of Korea is Seoul. For the preservation of our state, therefore, it is only right that Seoul must be shielded to prevent becoming hostage to North Korea. The location of the US Armed Forces to the north of the capital city is based on the judgment that defense of Seoul is of absolute importance. At the same time, regardless of their different standpoints, South and North Korea agree that division of the Korean people into two separate countries is abnormal. Reunification, which so far has defied all predictions, may be realized earlier than anyone expects. The day of reunification seems to be the best day for the relocation of the capital city. Building a proper capital city would take at least twenty years, and a capital city cannot be dragged from one place to another. On the day of a free and democratic reunification, a national agreement will be reached naturally to find a nationally symbolic city as in Brazil or Australia. Even if security does not pose a problem, the governments way of thinking would not greatly contribute to the balanced development of the country. The Chungcheon region, which is earmarked as the new location of the capital city, has been the greatest beneficiary of its proximity to the capital region. Not being a disadvantaged region, locating the capital city there would not help alleviate regional disparity. If it is absolutely necessary to find a candidate region at present, considering security, balanced regional development and post-reunification scenario of the future, Cheolwon area located in the middle of the Korean peninsula may be a plausible choice. Even if the transfer of capital is delayed in consideration of the present political conflict between the South and the North Koreas, there is a definite shortcut to realizing a balanced regional development. It can be found not in the geographical dispersal of the central government, but in the decentralization of power to the provinces. If the government has surplus money to build a new symbolic capital city, it is only right that it should improve, for instance, the quality of drinking water which now everyone eschews, and to help the regional subway authority whose chronic deficit state resoled in a recent disastrous accident. And it is proper to time the transfer of capital city to coincide with that of the reunification of Korea whenever Providence intends.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.18
• /
• pp.513-557
• /
• 2009

The procession depicted in Goguryeo's ancient tomb mural consists of guards, honor guards, music band, and performing artists. Since this coincides with the royal processions of Goryeo and Joseon Dynasties, the relationship of its impact can be examined. The performing arts appearing in such street procession were mostly sanakbaekhui. During the Goryeo Dynasty, the king visited Bongeunsa templ when the lotus lantern festival was celebrated. At such time, on the left and right sides of the road travelled by the king were installed mountains made of lanterns and trees made of lanterns. The procession was quite large in scale and was accompanied by colorful music and performances. In the narye ceremony of the Goryeo Dynasty, as in China, street procession and performing arts took place. The jisinbarbgi performed by a peasant band in early January is a custom of narye. A new character appears in the royal narye during the first half of the Joseon period. Therefore the features of narye transforming according to the changes of the times can be examined. In the Joseon Dynasty's procession of a king returning to the palace, the royal band in front and behind the carriage of the king played marching music, and led by a sanbung this street procession headed toward the palace. Various performances also took place during this time. The samilyuga and munhuiyeon were festivals of the yangban class(nobility). Those who passed the state examination hired musicians and performers and paraded around town in Seoul for three days to celebrate the auspicious outcome for their family and to show off their family's power. In the Joseon's dongje and eupchijeui ceremonies, street processions were carried out with a shrine deity image or symbolic flag at the head. The dongje in a Korean village, combined with jisinbarbgi, incorporated a procession with the flags ymbolizing the guardian deity of the village at the head, and this went from house to house. The procession of suyeongyaru had the publicity impact of a mask play performance, and by creating a sense of unity among the participants, heightened the celebratory atmosphere. At the core of the bukcheonggun toseongri gwanweonnori was as treet procession imitating the traveling of high government officials. The toseong gwanweonnori has the folk religion function of praying for safe human living and abundance of grains for the village, the entertainment function of having fun and joy through street processions and various performances, and the social function of creating unity and harmony among the residents. In all the aforementioned events, the street procession had a large role in creating a celebratory atmosphere, and the performance of traditional performing arts in the middle of the procession or after the procession enabled the participants to feel united. The participants of the street procession felt cultural pride and self-confidence through the various events and they were able to have the opportunity to show off and proudly display their abilities.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.51 no.2
• /
• pp.170-203
• /
• 2018

From the period of Japanese colonialism up to the present, the researchers of archaeology and ancient history in Korea and Japan have paid much attention to the Honam area. Recently the ruins and relics of Wae lineage are often discovered at archaeological excavation sites in this region. In particular, at least 17 keyhole-shaped mounds were confirmed. The fact that three mounds were built on one site was newly revealed. Haniwa, a representative earthenware object of the Kofun period in Japan, was discovered as well. Therefore, the study of a historical meaning of archaeological materials about Wae lineage in the Honam area thus far must be reexamined. The ruins and relics of Wae lineage in the Honam area have been studied by selecting only specific cases. I identified all the ruins and relics of Wae lineage in the Honam area and analyzed the process of their change in this paper. I reviewed the relationship between Wae and Mahan, and the purpose of their negotiation based on archaeological characteristics, changing processes, and historical records on a quarterly basis. The ruins and relics of Wae lineage have increased and widely spread since the early period of the 5th century in the Honam area. This tendency continued until the late period of the 6th century. Weapons of Wae lineage were introduced and tombs in the style of Wae were built from the late 4th century to the early period of the 5th century (TG232~TK216 period). Sueki was introduced from the middle to late period of the 5th century (TK208~TK23 period). Keyhole-shaped mounds and tombs in the style of Wae were built from the late period of the 5th century to the early period of the 6th century (TK47~MT15 period). Japanese weapons were introduced from the middle to late period of the 6th century (TK10~TK209 period). In other words, the archaeological appearance is different in each quarterly period. There was an intensive diplomatic relationship between Baekje and Wae in the TG232~TK216 period. The military might be included in a mission of Wae. The materials of Wae lineage of this period are likely to be related to this. Sueki spread to the inland part of the Honam area in the TK208~TK23 period. This Sueki tends to be excavated on advantageous sites for the accumulation and distribution of supplies. The main characters of the keyhole-shaped mounds are presumed to be a group of traders which were under the control of a certain influence in the north of Kyushu. The keyhole-shaped mounds were abruptly built at some distance from mounds of the leaders in the Honam area. Additionally, there was no special influence base to which the characters of the keyhole-shaped mounds belonged in the surroundings. However, it might have been impossible for the group of traders to build the keyhole-shaped mounds without the support from the residents at all because there was a big difference in the building technology of the keyhole-shaped mounds between Japan and the Honam area. The time of building some keyhole-shaped mounds is the same or almost the same with that of the mounds built for the regional leaders. This proves a close relationship with the residents as well. What do the archaeological materials of Wae lineage which have been used and buried mean over 200 years in the Honam area? Geumgwan Gaya, which had exported iron resources to Japan, perished in the early period of the 5th century. Instead of Gaya, the Honam area might have played an important role to supply the necessary resources to Japan. We assume that the Japanese (Wae) actively worked to acquire various resources focusing on the underground resources in the Honam area.

• The Journal of Korean Society for Radiation Therapy
• /
• v.30 no.1_2
• /
• pp.49-63
• /
• 2018

Purpose : The purpose of this study is investigating the changes of treatment plan and comparing skin dose with or without the skin flash. To investigate optimal applications of the skin flash, the changes of skin dose of each plans by various thicknesses of skin flash were measured and analyzed also. Methods and Material : Anthropomorphic phantom was scanned by CT for this study. The 2 fields hybrid IMRT and the 6 fields static IMRT were generated from the Eclipse (ver. 13.7.16, Varian, USA) RTP system. Additional plans were generated from each IMRT plans by changing skin flash thickness to 0.5 cm, 1.0 cm, 1.5 cm, 2.0 cm and 2.5 cm. MU and maximum doses were measured also. The treatment equipment was 6MV of VitalBeam (Varian Medical System, USA). Measuring device was a metal oxide semiconductor field-effect transistor(MOSFET). Measuring points of skin doses are upper (1), middle (2) and lower (3) positions from center of the left breast of the phantom. Other points of skin doses, artificially moved to medial and lateral sides by 0.5 cm, were also measured. Results : The reference value of 2F-hIMRT was 206.7 cGy at 1, 186.7 cGy at 2, and 222 cGy at 3, and reference values of 6F-sIMRT were measured at 192 cGy at 1, 213 cGy at 2, and 215 cGy at 3. In comparison with these reference values, the first measurement point in 2F-hIMRT was 261.3 cGy with a skin flash 2.0 cm and 2.5 cm, and the highest dose difference was 26.1 %diff. and 5.6 %diff, respectively. The third measurement point was 245.3 cGy and 10.5 %diff at the skin flash 2.5 cm. In the 6F-sIMRT, the highest dose difference was observed at 216.3 cGy and 12.7 %diff. when applying the skin flash 2.0 cm for the first measurement point and the dose difference was the largest at the application point of 2.0 cm, not the skin flash 2.5 cm for each measurement point. In cases of medial 0.5 cm shift points of 2F-hIMRT and 6F-sIMRT without skin flash, the measured value was -75.2 %diff. and -70.1 %diff. at 2F, At -14.8, -12.5, and -21.0 %diff. at the 1st, 2nd and 3rd measurement points, respectively. Generally, both treatment plans showed an increase in total MU, maximum dose and %diff as skin flash thickness increased, except for some results. The difference of skin dose using 0.5 cm thickness of skin flash was lowest lesser than 20 % in every conditions. Conclusion : Minimizing the thickness of skin flash by 0.5 cm is considered most ideal because it makes it possible to keep down MUs and lowering maximum doses. In addition, It was found that MUs, maximum doses and differences of skin doses did not increase infinitely as skin flash thickness increase by. If the error margin caused by PTV or other factors is lesser than 1.0 cm, It is considered that there will be many advantages in with the skin flash technique comparing without it.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.49 no.1
• /
• pp.4-21
• /
• 2016

The purpose of this study is to investigate changes of Jinju Sword Dance, characteristics of the changes, and the current condition of its preservation and succession after the designation as the important intangible cultural property no. 12 in January 16th, 1967. In other words, this study understands the situation which has established the present state of after changes over generations. As of now. the year of 2015, the 3 generation holders have been approved since 1967. In 1967, 8 members of $1^{st}$ generation holders were selected from gisaengs of Gwonbeon. However, the succession training was incomplete due to conflicts among the holders, the deaths of some holders, and economic activities of the individuals. As the need of a pivot for succession training and activities was rising, Seong, Gye-Ok was additionally approved as the $2^{nd}$ generation holder on June $21^{st}$, 1978. Seong, Gye-Ok who had never been a gisaeng had dramatically changed with a lot of new attempts. After the death of Seong, Gye-Ok in 2009, Kim, Tae-Yeon and Yu, Yeong-Hee were approved as the $3^{rd}$ generation holders in February, 2010. Based on the resources including the "Cultural Research Reports of Important Intangible Cultural Properties" in 1966 and videos up to 2014, the changes of the dance and surroundings are as follow. 1. The formation of musical accompaniment has been changed during the 3 generations. In the video of the $1^{st}$ generation(in 1970), the performance lasted about 15 minutes, whereas the performance lasted 25 minutes in the video of the $2^{nd}$ generation. Yumbuldoduri rhythm was considered as Ginyumbul(Sangryeongsan) and played more slowly. The original dance requiring only 15 rhythms was extended to 39 rhythms to provide longer performance time. In the $3^{rd}$ generation, the dance recovered 15 rhythms using the term Ginyumbul. The facts that Yumbul was played for 3 minutes in the $1^{st}$ generation but for 5 minutes in the 3rd generation shows that there was tendency pursuing the slowness from the $2^{nd}$ generation. 2. For the composition of the Dance, the performance included additional 20 rhythms of Ginyumbul and Ah(亞)-shaped formation from the $2^{nd}$ generation. From the $3^{rd}$ generation, the performance excluded the formation which had no traditional base. For the movement of the Dance, the bridge poses of Ggakjittegi and Bangsukdoli have been visibly inflexible. Also, the extention of time value in 1 beat led the Dance less vibrant. 3. At the designation as an important intangible cultural property (in 1967), the swords with rotatable necks were used, whereas the dancers had been using the swords with non-rotatable necks since late 1970s when the $2^{nd}$ generation holder began to used them. The swords in the "Research Reports" (in 1966) was pointy and semilunar, whereas the straight swords are being used currently. The use of the straight swords can be confirmed from the videos after 1970. 4. There is no change in wearing Jeonlib, Jeonbok, and Hansam, whereas the arrangement of Saekdong of Hansam was different from the arrangement shown in the "Research Reports". Also, dancers were considered to begin wearing the navy skirts when the swords with non-rotatable necks began to be used. Those results showed that has been actively changed for 50 years after the designation. The $2^{nd}$ generation holder, Seong, Gye-Ok, was the pivot of the changes. However, , which was already designated as an important intangible cultural property, is considered to be only a victim of the change experiment from the project to restore Gyobang culture in Jinju, and it is a priority to conduct studies with historical legitimacy. First of all, the slowing beat should be emphasized as the main fact to reduce both the liveliness and dynamic beauty of the Dance.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.49 no.3
• /
• pp.32-51
• /
• 2016

This study examines, based on the database of the Institute for the Translation of Korean Classics(ITKC), the garden plants and their symbolism, and the landscape culture recorded in 'Jipkyungjaeyoungsi(the Series of Poems on Gardens Poetry)' in relevance to traditional houses. First, Jipkyungjaeyoungsi had been continuously written since mid-Goryeo dynasty, when it was first brought in, until the late Joseon dynasty. It was mainly enjoyed by the upper class who chose the path of civil servants. 33 pieces of Jaeyoungsi(題詠詩) in 25 books out of a total of 165 books are related to residential gardens. The first person who wrote a poem in relation to this is believed to be Lee GyuBo(1168~1241) in the late Goryeo dynasty. He is believed to be the first person to contribute to the expansion of natural materials and the variation of entertainment in landscape culture with such books as 'Toesikjaepalyoung(退食齋八詠)', 'Gabeunjeungyukyoung(家盆中六詠)'and 'Gapoyukyoung(家圃六詠)'. Second, most of the poems used the names of the guesthouses. Out of the 33 sections, 19(57.5%) used 8 yeong(詠), then it was in the sequence of 4 yeong(詠), 6 yeong, 10 yeong, 14 yeong, 15 yeong, 16 yeong, 36 yeong(詠) and so on. In the poem writing, it appears to break the patterns of Sosangpalkyung(瀟湘八景) type of writings and is differentiated by (1) focusing on the independent title of the scenery, (2) combining the names of the place and landscape, (3) focusing on the name of the landscape. Third, the subtitles were derived from (1) mostly natural landscape focused on nature and garden plants(22 sections, 66.7%), (2) cultural landscape focused on landscape facilities such as guesthouses, ponds and pavilions(3 sections), (3) complex cultural scenery focused on the activities of people in nature(8 sections). Residents enjoy not only their aesthetic preferences and actual view, but the ideation of the scenery. Especially, they display attachment to and preference for vegetables and herbs, which had been neglected. Fourth, the percentage of deciduous tree population(17 species) rated higher(80.9%) compared to the evergreens(4 species). These aspects are similar results with the listed rate in 'Imwonkyungjaeji(林園經濟志)' by Seo YuGu [evergreen 18 species(21.2%) and deciduous trees 67 species(78.8%)] and precedent researches [Byun WooHyuk(1976), Jung DongOh(1977), Lee Sun(2006)]. Fifth, the frequency of the occurrence of garden plants were plum blossoms(14 times), bamboos(14 times), pine trees(11 times), lotus(11 times), chrysanthemum(10 times), willows(5 times), pomegranates(4 times), maple trees(14 times), royal foxglove trees, common crapemyrtle, chestnut trees, peony, plantains, reeds and a cockscombs(2 times). Thus, the frequency were higher with symbolic plants in relations to (1) Confucian norms(pine trees, oriental arbor vitae, plum blossoms, chrysanthemums, bamboos and lotus), (2) living philosophy of sustain-ability(chrysanthemum, willow), (3) the ideology of seclusion and seeking peace of mind(royal foxglove ree, bamboo). Sixth, it was possible to trace plants in the courtyard and outer garden, vegetable and herb garden. Many symbolic plants were introduced in the courtyard, and it became cultural landscape beyond aesthetic taste. In the vegetable and herb garden, vegetables, fruits and medicinal plants are apparently introduced for epigenetic use. The plants that were displayed to be observed and enjoyed were the sweet flag, pomegranate, daphne odora, chrysanthemum, bamboo, lotus and plum blossom. Seventh, it was possible to understand garden culture related to landscaping materials through poetic words such as pavilions, ponds, stream, flower pot, oddly shaped stones, backyard, orchard, herb garden, flower bed, chrysanthemum fence, boating, fishing, passing the glass around, feet bathing, flower blossom, forest of apricot trees, peach blossoms, stroking the pine tree, plum flower blossoming through the snow and frosted chrysanthemum.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.53 no.4
• /
• pp.150-169
• /
• 2020

Surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan in Gyeongju began in earnest during the Japanese colonial era, undertaken by Japanese scholars. These surveys of Buddhist remains in Namsan made during the colonial period should be seen as previous research which cannot be ignored in any in-depth study of Buddhist ruins in Gyeongju. Full-scale surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan began in the 1920s. Previous surveys conducted around the time of the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 are generally viewed as only representing preliminary investigations and, thus, have not received much attention. However, these early surveys are significant in that they led to the Buddhist ruins on Namsan becoming widely known in the 1910s and served as the foundations for later studies. The removal of the Seated Medicine Buddha from Samneung Valley in Gyeongju in 1915 and its subsequent exhibition at the Joseon Local Products Expo, which marked the fifth anniversary of the Japanese administration of Korea, was especially important in garnering attention for Namsan's wealth of Buddhist artifacts, as the statue was placed in the main hall of the art museum and attracted a great deal of interest from visitors. It is typically thought that this Seated Medicine Buddha was exhibited in 1915 because it was the most beautiful and well-preserved statue from Namsan. However, the removal of this statue was closely related to the proposed move of the Seokguram statue to Seoul around the time of Korea's annexation. The plan to move Seokguram to Seoul was primarily devised by Terauchi Masatake, and the plan, based on Ilseontongjo-ron ('日鮮同祖論'), a historical theory that prehistoric Korean and Japanese people were of the same blood, and Joseon Jeongcheasoeng-ron ('朝鮮停滯性論'), a historical theory arguing that development had stagnated in Korea, was intended to be a visual demonstration of a new era for Korea. This new era was to proceed under the rule of the Japanese Empire through the dissolution of Gyeongbokgung, the symbol of the Joseon Dynasty, which would be replaced with past glories as symbolized by the statue of Buddha. However, as the plan floundered, the replacement for Seokguram in Seoul ended up being none other than the Seated Medicine Buddha of Samneung Valley. Surveys of the Seated Medicine Buddha began in 1911, administered by Sekino Tadashi, but he likely learned of the statue's location from Moroga Hideo or Kodaira Ryozo, Japanese residents of Gyeongju. It is also probable that these Japanese residents received a request from the Japanese Government General of Korea to find a Buddha statue that was worthy of being displayed at exhibitions. In this way, we can say that the transfer of the Seated Medicine Buddha to Seoul was the result of close cooperation between the Government General, Sekino Tadashi, and Japanese residents of Gyeongju. This also had the effect of removing the magical veil which had shrouded the Buddhist ruins of Namsan. In other words, while the early surveys of Buddhist ruins on Namsan are significant, it is difficult to argue that the surveys were undertaken for purely academic purposes, as they were deeply related to the imperial ambitions of Governor-General Terauchi which encompassed the plans to move Seokguram to Seoul and the successful hosting of the 1915 Expo. It should also be pointed out that the failure of the plan to move Seokguram to Seoul and the preservation of the Seated Stone Buddha of Mireuggok at Namsan was in no small part due to resistance from Korean residents in Gyeongju. Although it is not described in detail in the paper, research is needed which shows that the Korean residents of Gyeongju were not simple bystanders, but agents of history.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.63
• /
• pp.9-41
• /
• 2016

This paper focuses on 'clean(cheong: 淸)' kinds of style terminologies among various style terminologies appearing in Heo Gyun's Seongsushihwa("惺?詩話") and tries to analyze the distinctive points which 'clean(cheong: 淸)' kinds of style terminologies include. In Heo Gyun's Seongsushihwa, 11 of 'clean' kinds of style terminologies, such as "cheonggyeong(淸勁), cheonghryang(淸亮), cheongryeo(淸麗), cheongseom(淸贍), cheongso(淸?), cheongweol(淸越), cheongjang(淸壯), cheongjeol(淸絶), cheongjeol(淸切), cheongchang(淸?), cheongcho(淸楚)," were used. This paper focuses and analyzes 'cheonggyeong(淸勁)', 'cheongjeol(淸切)', 'cheongcho(淸楚)', and 'cheongweol(淸越)' that he suggested through applying to real literary pieces. The result of analysis indicates that 'clean' kinds of style terminologies 'cheonggyeong', 'cheongjeol', 'cheongcho', and 'cheongweol' share the same 1st character 'clean(淸)', yet have distinctive qualities by the 2nd characters. These 4 style terminologies all share 'cheong(淸)' image which means clear and clean, yet each one has the attribute of the 2nd character that indicates each one's individual characteristic. It is apparent that 'Cheonggyeong(淸勁)' reflects the 'gyeong(勁)' image meaning upright and solid and implies poems of poets' steadfast spirit within clear boundary; 'cheongjeol(淸切)' reflects the 'jeol(切)' image meaning either desperation and imminence or pitifulness and sorrow and implies poems of poets' urgent and pitiful emotions within clear and clean boundary; 'cheongcho(淸楚)' reflects the 'cho(楚)' image meaning either delicacy and fineness or slenderness and tenderness and implies poems of poets' beautiful but not luxurious, delicate and tender emotions within clear and clean boundary; and 'cheongweol(淸越)' reflects the image of 'weol(越)' meaning unworldliness and excellency and implies poems, within clear and clean boundary, of excellent appearance and mentality surpassing mundane world. Compared with the 1st character's attributes of the style terminologies which Heo Gyun used, the 2nd characters's attributes do not appear that vivid. Especially, in the case that the 2nd characters have similar meanings, it is not easy to clarify the categories. Indeed, in order to grasp clear and distinctive qualities of style terminologies, the kinds of them need to be initially categorized by the 1st characters, and then sorted by the 2nd characters. In this case, the contents which the 2nd characters of style terminologies indicate should be considered. It is because style terminologies explain both literary pieces' aesthetic qualities and writers' personalities, and because explanations about literary pieces' aesthetic qualities includes not only the conclusive poetic or semantic boundaries which literary pieces' created but also literary pieces' creation processes and expression techniques. Through the style terminologies with Heo Gyun used in Seongsushihwa, it can be aware that he evaluated poems focussing more on the conclusive semantic boundaries that poets' spirits and poems created than expression techniques or creation methods. The overall aspects Heo Gyun's such style criticism has will be checked out in more detail through further studies by examining more materials.