• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.311-340
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• 2017

This research focuses on the theory of Zhi-jue(知覺) by Kim Chang-Hyup(金昌協) through comparison between Kim Chang-Hyup's and Zhu Xi(朱熹)'s. In the point of supervision, Zhu Xi considered that Zhi-jue is one of the conditions caused by supervision, one the other hand, it is the action that make possible supervision. Kim Chang-Hyup emphasize the concept of Zhi-jue itself, he considered that Zhi-jue is the action that make possible supervision, and separate Zhi-jue from Xing(性) or Qing(情). In this process, Zhi-jue became the subject itself about supervision, so the mix about relation between Zhi-jue and supervision is solved. But there is a problem about gap between Zhi-jue and the nature from separate between Zhi-jue and Xing. Kim Chang-Hyup intend to separate Zhi-jue and Qing as subject and object, so he considered that Xing is not a reason of Zhi-jue, but rules. It's not a answer about what is the reason of Zhi-jue. Yet Zhu Xi also considered that Xing is the rules of Zhu-jue, only in the case that Zhi-jue means the resulf of supervision, Zhi-jue is considered as the effect of Zhi(智). So the relation problem about Zhi-jue as a subject and the nature is brought up by Joseon scholar who attempted to arrange the concepts of neo-confucianism. Eventually, in case of the relation about Zhi-jue and Xing, King Chang-Hyup and Zhu Xi has a common point, only in case of the relation about Zhi-jue and supervision, Definding Zhi-jue as the subject of supervision is the character of Kim Chang-Hyup's theory of Zhi-jue.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.25
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• pp.71-71
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• 2009

This study aims to provide a theoretical base for making a character education program on "how primary school students to cultivate their own right and good-minded characters." This study consists of three approaches: 1) an integrative approach based on the social and emotional learning, 2) development of integrative programs articulating three key domains directly and indirectly influencing students' character formation - school, family and local community(society), 3) maximum use of the educational institutes' moral education curriculums and the potential curriculums in the surrounding environment. In concrete, by specializing "social awareness and relationship skills" from various social and emotional ones, this study suggests an integrative program for the character education based on the theory of virtue in the Eastern philosophy. To develop such an Eastern philosophy-based integrative program for the cultivation of the social awareness and personal relationship skills, this study applies some virtue items of Eastern Ethics: for examples, 'rectification of the name(正名)' to improve skills for rational choice on the awareness and performance of social roles, 'empathy(忠恕)' to enhance the ability to share another person's feelings and emotions as if they were my own, 'reflect and seek in oneself(反求諸己)' to solve conflicts in peace and self-reflection, 'difficulty with countenance(色難)' to respond to others by understanding their situations and characters, 'select and follow good qualities of others and reform their bad qualities(擇其善者而從之, 其不善者而改之)' to make good results from various forms of personal relationship, and 'keep same respect as at first to old acquaintance(久而敬之)' to maintain good and emotional relationships. In particular, by underlining 'rectification of the name(正名)' and 'reflect and seek in oneself(反求諸己)', this study attempts to develop an alternative integrative program articulating three domains of school, family and local community.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.54
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• pp.9-42
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• 2017

It is as necessary as ever to make constant efforts to overcome the regional strife between the eastern and western parts of Korea and come to a mutual understanding. To achieve this, we must endeavor to correct Korean people's distorted understanding of the history of Korean philosophical thoughts. Ordinary Koreans commonly and mistakenly associate the academic circles of Korean Neo-Confucianism with certain regions by which to divide them into Giho School and Yongnam School and then go as far as associating the schools and parties and pegging them 'Namin'(南人) to refer to as the followers of Yongnam School and 'Seoin'(西人) as the followers of Giho School. Such false notions must be corrected. During the reign of King Seonjo, political factions of Joseon were split into Yongnam and Giho, or East and West. At the time, the two cardinal directions East and West were only used to refer to the eastern and western parts of Seoul, and not Yeongnam(East) and Giho(West) of the Korean Peninsula. Therefore, the factional split at the time has nothing to do with regional cleavages. In fact, a majority of scholars representing Korean Neo-Confucianism maintained a friendly relationship regardless of the school, party, and region. Many leading scholars in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty namely Jo Sik(曺植)/Seong Woon(成運), Lee Hwang(李滉)/Ki DeaSeung(奇大升), Lee Hwang(李滉)/Lee Yi(李珥), Noh Susin (盧守愼)/Lee Yi, the ones in the late Joseon Dynasty -Jeong Gyeong Se(鄭經 世)/Kim Jang-Saeng(金長生), Jeong Gyeong Se(鄭經世)/Song Joon Gil(宋浚吉), and also those at the end of the Joseon Dynasty such as Kwak JongSeok(郭鍾錫) and Kim BokHan(金福漢) deeply respected each other and had a close friendship rooted in their academic commitment. The friendship between the leaders of Giho and Yongnam is a testimony to the high level of their character, academic achievement, and intellect. More than ever, such intangible intellectual and cultural resources drawn from Korean tradition must be utilized to the fullest. From this point on, we need to further promote the friendship and mutual understanding the scholars of Yongnam(Gyeongsang-do), Gyeonggi, Honam (Jeolla-do), and Hoseo(Chungcheong-do) enjoyed, and use them as a cognitive basis for harmony between the eastern and western parts of the country. These invaluable assets can be specifically used in the promotion of exchange between the local autonomous governments of the regions where above-mentioned scholars built an amicable relationship, joint commemorative events, exchange between families of the scholars of both regions, opening of special exhibitions dedicated to the harmony between Yongnam and Giho at museums in the two regions, co-organization of local festivals, joint operation of culture programs, and relationship and exchange between the 'seowons' in both regions, through which to promote the long history of exchange between the scholars of the past and utilize it in joint projects.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.115-146
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• 2017

This paper is about the research on ontology design for a digital archive of seonsaengan(先生案) of the Joseon Period. Seonsaengan is the register of staff officials at each government office, along with their personal information and records of their transfer from one office to another, in addition to their DOBs, family clan, etc. A total of 176 types of registers are known to be kept at libraries and museums in the country. This paper intends to engage in the ontology design of 47 cases of such registers preserved at the Jangseogak Archives of the Academy of Korean Studies (AKS) with a focus on their content and structure including the names of the relevant government offices and posts assumed by the officials, etc. The work for the ontology design was done with a focus on the officials, the offices they belong to, and records about their transfers kept in the registers. The ontology design categorized relevant resources into classes according to the attributes common to the individuals. Each individual has defined a semantic postposition word that can explicitly express the relationship with other individuals. As for the classes, they were divided into eight categories, i.e. registers, figures, offices, official posts, state examination, records, and concepts. For design of relationships and attributes, terms and phrases such as Dublin Core, Europeana Data Mode, CIDOC-CRM, data model for database of those who passed the exam in the past, which are already designed and used, were referred to. Where terms and phrases designed in existing data models are used, the work used Namespace of the relevant data model. The writer defined the relationships where necessary. The designed ontology shows an exemplary implementation of the Myeongneung seonsaengan(明陵先生案). The work gave consideration to expected effects of information entered when a single registered is expanded to plural registers, along with ways to use it. The ontology design is not one made based on the review of all of the 176 registers. The model needs to be improved each time relevant information is obtained. The aim of such efforts is the systematic arrangement of information contained in the registers. It should be remembered that information arranged in this manner may be rearranged with the aid of databases or archives existing currently or to be built in the future. It is expected that the pieces of information entered through the ontology design will be used as data showing how government offices were operated and what their personnel system was like, along with politics, economy, society, and culture of the Joseon Period, in linkage with databases already established.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.127-159
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• 2009

This paper is about the conception of "Hwangjoin(皇朝人)" during the reign of King Youngjo in the Joseon Dynasity. Originally, Hwangjoin meant the Chinese people till the mid-term of the Joseon Dynasty but the meaning was changed to the immigrants from the Ming(明) dynasty in reign of King Youngjo. They were Han Chinese(漢族) and moved to the Joseon between the Japanese Invasion in 1592 and the Manchu war in 1636. The Joseon government gave a warm welcome to them. Two wars made the Joseon government pay attention to the national restoration and served the entrance of 'Sallim(山林)' on the central government as a momentum. Song, Siyeol(宋時烈) was the leader of Sallim, who made an issue of 'Daecheong-boksu Discourse(對淸復讐論;to revenge on Ching(淸) Dynasty)' like a way of 'Bukbeol(北伐;to attack Ching Dynasty)'. His plan came to fail because of the death of King Hyojong and was replaced with Jonju Discourse(尊周論;respect for Zhou Dynasty). Daebodan(大報壇) was built in the reign of King Sukjong, which meant Joseon got the justness that they inherited from the Ming Dynasty. Later Daebodan expanded and it led to works in honor of loyal subjects and patriots, victims of two wars and a policy of a warm reception for Hwangjoin. King Youngjo did his best to theorize Daemyeong Euiri Discourse(對明義理論) and Jonju Discourse for himself. His efforts came out as a spread of conception on Pungcheon(風泉;fengquan), publication and education of Eoje-seo (御製書) and making literary works(英祖御製). King Youngjo employed many policies for Hwangjoin. First, operation of Chungnyanggwa(忠良科) opened a door for them to go into politics. Second, descendants of Hwangjoin had charge of Hwangdan's guard(皇壇 守直) posts. and joined in the sacrificial rites of Ming Emperors. Third, they could have government jobs and honorary posts for ancestors' merits. Fourth, a list of Hwangjoin, "Hwainlok(華人錄)" was published and they got preferential treatment unlike Hyanhwain(向化人). King Young's Pungcheon(風泉) had an effect on literature such as Lee, Gyusang(李奎象)'s "Beong-sejaeunlok(幷世才彦錄)" and Song, Gyubin(宋奎斌)'s Pungcheon-yuhyang(風泉遺響)". The general people of Joseon were jealous and envious of them because of special treatment polices for Hwangjoin. So people wanted to be included in Hwangjoin as far as possible and there were cases of pretending to be a Hwangjoin. The conception of "Hwangjoin(皇朝人)" during the reign of King Youngjo was realized as the policy for Hwangjoin based on Daemyeong Euiri Discourse (對明義理論) and Jonju Discourse(尊周論). It was a way of becoming clear about Joseon's position in political principle.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.345-378
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• 2017

In the scriptures of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the expression method of '$Ch{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng-zh{\bar{e}}ng-yu{\grave{e}}$(春王正月 : It's spring. It's the first month regulated by the king.)' was used as Jì-yuè-fǎ(紀月法 : the rules to determine the first month(正月)), the month of winter solstice was regarded as the first month of a year, and three years since then were named as $Ch{\bar{u}}n$(春 : spring). With regard to this "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"Wáng-lì("春秋"王曆 : the calendar regulated by the king of $Zh{\bar{o}}u$(周) dynasty in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"), depending on whether Confucius(孔子) changed and recorded the names of the months and the season or not, there were three different arguments; the theory that 'Confucius changed the names of both the months and the season'(孔子改月 改時說), the view that 'Confucius changed the name of the season, not the names of the months'(孔子不改月 改時說), and then the theory that 'Confucius changed neither the names of the months nor the name of the season'(孔子不改月 不改時) since Song(宋) dynasty. The first view was taken by $Hh{\acute{u}}-{\bar{a}}n-gu{\acute{o}}$(胡安國) and $C{\grave{a}}i-ch{\acute{e}}n$(蔡沈), and the second theory was mentioned by Chéng-yí(程?) and Zhū-zǐ(朱子). The advocates of the third view had become remarkable since Ming(明) dynasty, and one of representatives was Wàng-yáng-míng(王陽明). All of them based their arguments on ancient scriptures and Confucian legal books, and there were cases of taking the same records as the support for different opinions. Confucius' so-called 'Chūn-qiū-bǐ-fǎ(春秋筆法 : the method to describe historical facts by making clear discrimination between right and wrong)' and '$Sh{\grave{u}}-{\acute{e}}r-b{\grave{u}}-zu{\grave{o}}$(述而不作 : the attitude to succeed virtuous men's achievements and only explain and describe them not creating and adding new contents)' could come from thoughts of $Z{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng$(尊王 : to respect the king with the virtues of benevolence, righteousness, propriety, wisdom and sincerity). Therefore, even though Confucius is assumed to have been the writer of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", whether he actually changed and recorded the names of the months and the season in the calendar used in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" is doubtful. These theories on Confucius's intervention in the calendar of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" hadn't been discussed as conflicting in reality until Tang(唐) dynasty.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.71
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• pp.9-39
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• 2018

We considered the historical significance and the individual aspects of heroes that are reflected in the historical differences between men and women expressed in the old tales. To achieve this purpose, the paper selects , , , , and as text. Their characters were then catalogued into cultural heroes-Choi ChI-won, popular heroes-Jeon Woo-chI, family heroes-Chung So-jeo, pro-Japanese enlightenment hero-Ilneyomhong and Lee Hyung-kyung. He also tried to achieve his goal by describing the historical significance of the hero's type. China and Joseon were at odds with each other, so their relationship was uncomfortable. It is at the forefront of that concerns this issue. As he was a great writer of Silla, he was able to play a leading role with Chinese writers. We needed Choi ChI-won, a cultural hero, to express our pride that Joseon has a superior culture than China. Joseon was a Confucian society with a strong anti-semitic system. Accordingly, the people were persecuted by the aristocrats for all their centers, and this required a folk hero. He is the leader of the war. Jeon Woo-chI is a real folk hero who solves the people's grudge and wishes through doctoring. As women go back to the late Joseon Dynasty, they change the way women treat men after experiencing war. For this reason, there are novels about female heroes such as <江都夢遊錄>, <朴氏傳>, and <李學士傳>. I think the writer given hope to women who are upset by incompetent men even in their work at the time. Jeongsojeo is a leading hero in the family who is more active than the female lead who is faithful to old wives, but is responsible for helping her husband. Joseon goes through the 淸日 and 露日 wars and is at the center of Japan's prosperity. Japan is the Japan-Korea Treaty of 1905 after the Japanese Resident-General of Korea after heavy emphasis put on with the politics. At this time, he published pro-Japanese newspapers and published pro-Japanese novels to highlight pro-Japanese collaborators. It is Ilneyomhong and Yeoyongwoong.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.50
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• pp.295-318
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• 2013

The purpose of this study was to define the 'caligraphy as a modern concept of art. For this purpose, it was necessary to exclude the elements betraying 'the caligraphy as a pure art' in reference to 'autonomy' as an indicator of modernity in order to reflect on the current topology of the caligraphy in our age. Checking the current conditions facing the caligraphy from the pre-modern, modern and post-modern perspectives will clarify the current topology of the caligraphy and further exploring 'the caligraphy as a post-modern art concept. To this end, this study defines the caligraphy 'as a pure formative art' and thereby discusses it in terms of nature and form. In terms of nature, the caligraphy should be subsumed into a spacial art, but it has a nature of a temporal art created and appreciated over time. Hence, among the spacial arts, the painting is most similar to the caligraphy, while among the temporal arts, the caligraphy is most similar to such rhythmic (of high mobility) or performing arts as music and dance. Merely, the painting does not reveal the flow of time on the canvas, while music and dance leave no residual in terms of audibility and visuality. All in all, the caligraphy is sort of 'temporal-spacial art' like dance in that the visible letters express the artist's sense of life on the plane over time like music. In terms of form, this study compares the caligraphy with engraving, wood print and character design to define the caligraphy as a pure art concept. The caligraphy as a modern art concept, namely, the autonomy of the caligraphy is associated with legibility and meaning in addition to the question whether it is an applied or a pure art. The legibility and meaning of the characters are not only the essential elements of the caligraphy but also are the factors limiting its autonomy, which must be a paradox. All in all, the legibility and meaning of the characters must be the key criteria for determining the caligraphy as a practical art or literary art or as a pure figurative art. In this context, this study discusses the caligraphy as a pure art by comparing it with the spatial art 'painting' and the temporal art 'music.' It might be impossible to define the caligraphy or a genre of art as an autonomous art of self-perfection and categorical identity. Moreover, any attempt to define the caligraphy would fail to interpret the caligraphy appropriately. Merely, we are obliged to position the caligraphy in the process of localizing 'their modernity' and thereby, discuss how to respond to their scheme.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.48
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• pp.253-287
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• 2012

This research aimed to discuss the necessity of education and evil through perspective of Sunja and Hannah Arendt. In case of Sunja, it was reviewed by his opinion about Sunja as the central figure. As for Arendt, it was researched with "Eichmann in Jerusalem" as the central figure which she wrote participating in the trial process of Eichmann who was a war criminal of Nazi. Sunja thought evil as the nature of people and understood that they all are originally selfish, envious, and seeking desire. Therefore, Sunja thought it is important to properly seek human desire. He claimed Haw Seong Gi Wi(化性起僞, changing evil human nature into goodness through manner) which changes human nature from evil to goodness. A teacher who leads evil into goodness is surely needed in the process of Haw Seong Gi Wi. At the same time, in the dimension of educational content it put stress on the role of Ye(禮, manner) which lets them realize discernment so that they properly seek human desire and Ak(樂, harmony) which harmoniously controls human emotion, and key point on education regarding Ye and Ak. As for Arendt, however, she recognized evil as normal one. Even though he thought that conforming the order of superior authority was the best value and then took evil of killing many Jews in thoughtlessness, Eichmann maintained that he did not take evil but only conformed the order. This way, people could take evil in thoughtlessness in totalitarianism, and it makes circumstance that they could not take goodness. Therefore they could take evil in thoughtlessness and experience the radical evil and the banality of evil. Accordingly, political praxis which guarantees people's plurality as the words and praxis is needed. It is named natality because the truth that they are born in this world is a starting point, and makes the essence of education. In this process, teachers have to be a representative of this generation for children as new social members, and be able to keep children's newness. Sunja and Arendt have the same equality and difference in that they referred to the necessity of education to overcome human evil. It is the same quality that goodness could recover the function of community and the practice of education is considered important in the goal of education and the dimension of directivity. It is different in methodical characteristic of education that Arendt, however, suggests praxis as the way that they express themselves in totalitarianism while Sunja thought that continuous practice piling up virtue for goodness is important.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.59
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• pp.93-120
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• 2015

The purpose of this study is to explore the source of appealing which Gusadang Kim Nakhaeng's writing for ancestral rites is equipped with. Gusadang was one of the Confucianists in Yeongnam during the 18th century and was praised for his scholarly virtue of jihaenghapil and silcheongunghaeng. Although Gusadang's writing for ancestral rites and his teacher Milam Lee Jaeui's letters were even specially named as 'gujemilchal', there has been almost no research on Gusadang's writing for ancestral rites yet. Therefore, this study selects three pieces of Gusadang's writing for ancestral rites which are especially rich in emotional expression for discussion. Chapter 2 titled as 'the Reconstruction of Memory in a Microscopic Perspective' presents the reason why Gusadang's writing for ancestral rites is recognized even as a piece of work equipped with appealing. Writing for ancestral rites begins from the point that there exists memory that can be shared by both the living and the dead. In reconstructing the anecdote with the dead on the stage of ritual writing in detail, the writer's memory plays an important role. Chapter 3 titled as 'the Rhetorical Reconstruction of Elevated Sensitivity' examines rhetorical devices needed for writing for ancestral rites. Proper rhetoric is needed to upgrade the dignity of the ritual writing and arouse sympathy from the readers. Although writing for ancestral rites is supposed to express sadness in terms of its formal characteristics, it should not end up being a mere outlet of emotion. Chapter 4 looks into 'the Descriptive Reconstruction of Lamenting Sentiment'. There should be a clear focus of description to make the gesture of the living towards the being not existing in the world any longer an appealing story. While maintaining a distinct way of description, Gusadang organizes the noble character of the dead, pitiable death, the precious bond in the past, and the longing of those left for the dead systematically. Writing for ancestral rites is a field to mourn over the death and reproduce the sadness of the living through writing. To make the text written in that way get to work as ritual writing properly, it should be appealing necessarily. This study has found the fact that such appealing that gives life to ritual writing is grounded on authenticity.