• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.295-317
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• 2014

This is the issue of this paper: What was the reason for Daoxuejia(道學家) in Song Dynasty to interpret 'ke-ji(克己)' as 'removing private desire'? 'ke-ji-fu-li'(克 己復禮)' is a phrase presented by Confucius as a way of practicing Ren(仁). The interpretations of Ren(仁) concept by Daoxuejia(道學家) have been reviewed. They interpreted Ren(仁) as Tian-li(天理) and thought its contents as 'Tian-di-shengwu-zhi-xin(天地生物之心)'. Zhu xi(朱熹) associated the concepts of sheng-sheng (生生), Xu(虛), Rou(柔), etc. and provided philosophic explanations on the interpretation of Ren(仁) raised newly by Ercheng(二程) and the interpretation of 'ke-ji-fu-li' (克己復禮). It is fact that Zhu xi criticized ardently Daoism but did not think nothing was worth taking from it. The stands of Daoxuejia(道學家) scholars in Song Dynasty on "removing private desire(去私欲)" presented in this paper could be the grounds supported such opinion.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.37
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• pp.159-195
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• 2013

A dispute between Zhu Xi(朱熹) and Lu Jiuyuan(陸九淵) is important on Neo-confucianism's development. The dispute causing from difference between Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan's Philosophy had effected Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan's each school's philosophical dispute. From Song dynasty to Ming Dynasty's most philosophers continuous disputed about Same & Difference on Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan's Philosophy, but did not appreciate it because of school's prejudice. On Qing dynasty, there appeared philosophers being free or less from school's prejudice. they looked at Same & Difference on Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan's Philosophy objectively. One of them was Li Fu(李?) philosopher of Lu Jiuyuan & Wang Yangming's school. He wrote Zhuziwannianquanlun("朱子晩年全論") objective investigation of Same & Difference on Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan's Philosophy and reaction of Zhu Xi's school criticizing Wang Yangming's Zhuxiwannianzhunglun. Li Fu was Philosopher Lu Jiuyuan & Wang Yangming's school, but objectively compared between Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan's philosophy, analysed same of Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan's philosophy and attempted philosophical agreement. Li Fu's this approaching is new interpretation and isn't uncritical admission from prejudice of Lu Jiuyuan & Wang Yangming's school.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.58
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• pp.307-336
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• 2018

This paper traces the historical genealogy of the subjectivity and the silsim (實心, true mind) that appear in Jeong In-Bo's "gukhak" (國學, the national learning) thought and illuminates its characteristics. In the modern East Asian history of thought, the beginning of the emergence of subjectivity and the silsim as the main philosophical topic comes from the Neo-Confucianism of Song Dynasty in China. Cheng Yi is the first thinker to emphasize subjectivity and consciousness. Zhu Xi and Wang Yang-ming inherit the Neo-Confucian thought based on Cheng Yi's principle of subjectivity, but only show difference in methodology. In the Chosun Dynasty, Jeong Je-Doo and his School were one example of the Neo-Confucian spirit of subjectivity and the silsim. Although Jeong In-Bo (鄭寅普) belongs to Jeong Je-Doo's school of Ganghwa in the school curriculum, he has only used it methodologically since he believed that Yangming's learning is more effective in the awareness and practice of the silsim. Especially noteworthy is that the principle of subjectivity led Jeong In-Bo to follow the frame of Zhu Xi's moral theory. Jeong's claim that selfish desire (jasasim 自私心) should be controlled by a conscious mind (silsim) being aware of the right and 'ought to do' corresponds to Zhu Xi's view that the moral mind (dosim 道心) should be selected in the conflict situation between sensual desire (insim 人心) and moral consciousness so that the insim should be supervised by the dosim. Such ethics is a position to emphasize the inner motive and the sense of duty of conduct, and there is no fundamental difference in Zhu Xi and Wang Yang-ming. At least on this point, it is necessary to look at modern and contemporary Korean studies from the perspective of continuity, not discontinuity from Confucian tradition.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.54
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• pp.45-76
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• 2014

The purpose of this paper is to examine Toegye(退溪 李滉, 1501~1570)'s interpretation of Chungyong(中庸) who led the completion of the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$-style acceptance of Neo-Confucianism. This paper is focused on revealing the way that how he understood it according to the system of Neo-Confucianism that was proposed by Chu Hsi, rather than revealing the unique perspective of Toegye. I have the following configuration in this paper. First, I have set two directions of research for understanding of Chungyong, these were derived through the work that is an overview of cases of interpretation of Chungyong of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$. 1) How to understand the overall structure of Chungyong? 2) How to understand key concepts of Chungyong? Next, basing on these directions of research, I analyzed Toegye's interpretation of Chungyong. To grasp the structure of the whole, Toegye followed the segmentation system and structure of Chungyong changgu: Commentary on the Doctrine of the Mean, and to understand key concepts of Chungyong, he conducted in collaboration with concepts of Neo-Confucianism. Concretely, I analyze his work : Chungyong $suk{\breve{u}}i$(中庸釋義) and Chungyong $jil{\breve{u}}i$(中庸質疑) for asserting that he accepted the segmentation system and structure of Chungyong changgu. And I analyze his documents: letters to and from his disciples. This analysis focus on concepts of Chungyong for asserting that his understanding is in the context of Chu Hsi and other Neo-Confucian scholars's commentary. Toegye tried to reduce the diversity of interpretation and present one meaning.

• Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology
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• v.8 no.8
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• pp.793-803
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• 2018

Since Confucius presentied 'zhong-yong' and Zi Si wrote Zhong-Yong (The Doctring of the Mean), specially since Zhu Xi edited Zhong-Yong as one of Si-Shu (The Four Books) and interpreted it, zhong-yong was not only recognized as the extreme of morality but also as a significant category of Confucianism. The purpose of this paper is to clarify how Jeong Yak-Yong criticized Zhu Xi's interpretation of zhong-yong, and furthermore, to search how Jung Yak-yong explain the zhong-yong by tree concepts of 'grasp', 'moral behavior', and 'habit'. Zhu Xi interpreted zong as a measured absolute middle of two-side and a non-launched original nature. Interpreted yong as a common truth. Therefore he interpreted zhong-yong as a common truth of neither excessive nor enough. Accordingly, Zhu Xi's zhong-yong can be understood as absolute zhong-yong without human's reflection and moral behavior. But Jeong Yak-Yong interpreted zhong as the state of a man's very hard-concentrate and grasp of situation, and interpreted yong as the state of a man's very hard-effort moral behavior and it's habit. Therefore he explained zhong-yong as a habit of moral behavior through grasp.

• Journal for History of Mathematics
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.67-82
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• 2009

We study Choi Suk Jung's on perspective of philosophy of mathematics. He explains Chosun mathematics as systems of Changes through and redefines on So Kang Gul's Sasang theory. This is the unique view on Chosun mathematics. we conjecture that Choi Suk Jung tries to establish the mathematical principle on So Kang Gul's Sasang theory.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.7-18
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• 2021

This paper studied the origin of Myeongnyundang(明倫堂), the common name of the main lecture halls at confucian schools in ancient China. Through an extensive investigation of local chronicles, biographies, decrees and construction essays, it found the first Myeongnyundang were titled on the main hall of a local school in the early Southern Song(南宋) period, and it might become the most popular name due to Zhuxi (朱熹), a famous confucian scholar in the Southern Song dynasty. In Yuan(元) period, it almost become the fixed name for the main lecture hall at local confucian schools, and even the official government documents began to use it as a common noun since the beginning of Ming(明) dynasty.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.50-64
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• 2007

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.53
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• pp.191-214
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• 2017

Zhangshi(張?) is a distinguished Chinese scholar, who is known as the South-east Three sages with Zhuxi(朱熹) Luzujian(呂祖謙). He is well known for his influence through exchanges of ideas with Zhu xi, but the research on his ideas is rather poor. This paper aims to understand the ideology in general by looking deeper into the study of Zhangshi's self-cultivation. Contents of his self-cultivation especially emphasized the subject of the mind in the way establishing the unity of heaven and human within the theory mind based on metaphysical foundation. It would be very meaningful to study his theory of self cultivation in his ideological tendencies. this essay Based on the unity of heaven and human, especially uniting the ways of heaven and morality, this essay is approaches to the way of self-cultivation. This paper first examines the meaning of heaven and human for Zhangsi, and presents a self-cultivation method as a unified method in two categories of relationships This not only emphasizes the subject of the mind in the process of realizing the unity of heaven and human, but also to highlight the possibility of human becoming one with the heaven. This research will be an important research work in understanding Zhangshi's own philosophical system.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.385-405
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• 2018

This paper aimed at examining studies on the Book of Odes of Weng fang-gang(翁方綱), a scholar who lived during Qianjia(乾嘉) period in the Qing(淸) Dynasty. In study on the Book of Odes, he had confidence in interpretation of Shixu(詩 序) and Maozhuan(毛傳), laid emphasis on long interpretation and opposed a tendency to be dubious of Confucian classics, showing a tendency of hanxue(漢 學), and he also showed a tendency of songxue(宋學) by criticizing a problem of Zheng xuan(鄭玄) & Kong ying-da(孔穎達) and taking a positive position toward Shijizhuan(詩集傳) of Zhu xi(朱熹). So to speak, Weng fang-gang can be considered to be a scholar who appropriately adopted and used the study method of hanxue(漢學) and songxue(宋學) in studying the Book of Odes.