• Title/Summary/Keyword: $17^{th}$ century

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Study on Tragic Characteristic in Lope's Drama La estrella de Sevilla (로뻬의 연극 『세비야의 별』에 나타난 비극성 연구)

  • YOON, Yong-wook
    • Cross-Cultural Studies
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    • v.50
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    • pp.371-394
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    • 2018
  • La estrella de Sevilla, is a representative masterpiece of the Golden Age of Spain, and is a tragic work of Lope de Vega, who was a representative drama writer living in the 17th century. However, regardless of its great literary value, there are insufficient researches on this drama even in Spain, due to several controversies surrounding the truth about Lope's creation. Here, this research concretely investigated the tragic characteristic of this drama, by largely dividing it into the viewpoint of Aristotle and Shakespeare. Thanks to the noble social status of the characters and proper dialogue of the hero Sancho Ortiz in trouble, there seems to be no problem in performing the cathartic function that Aristotle mentioned regarding the work in his review. However, there are a few problems in the aspect of the 'hero's free will to resist the absolute fate,' which is fundamentally the essence of the associated Aristotelian tragedy. Because, there's no Hamartia in this drama, the core mechanism that forms the absolute fate, makes the statement that accordingly, no absolute fate or irresistible force of destiny is established. Rather, the tragic characteristic of this drama can be more properly investigated from the viewpoint of Shakespeare. As noted differently from Aristotle, Shakespeare considered that the tragic characteristic came from the hero's characteristic. According to him, tragedy starts from the hero's value view and personality, instead of the external factors such as an absolute fate. Actually, Busto's death and separation between Sancho Ortiz and Estrella, two tragic affairs of La estrella de Sevilla, were caused by the crooked selfishness of King Sancho IV, who abused his authority, and Sancho Ortiz' excessively blind loyalty to the King, rather than the irresistible event. In conclusion, in light of a lethargic and hopeless situation, with no eventual choice of options before the injustice of absolute power, is must have been a significant tragedy for the audience, witnessing the play's tragic ending.

The Damage Assessment, Construction Point of Time and Deterioration Diagnosis and Conservation Maintenance of Stone Statues Around the Stone Pagoda in Mireuksaji Temple in Iksan (익산 미륵사지 석탑 석인상의 조영시기와 훼손도 진단 및 보존관리)

  • Lee, Dong-sik;Lee, Yeon-gyeong
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.47 no.4
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    • pp.74-91
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    • 2014
  • The stone statues in the site of Mireuksaji Temple(Iksan, South Korea) were created after the stone pagoda was built in 639. They, transitional statues between animal sculptures and human shaped statues made from the late Goryeo dynasty until the early Joseon dynasty, were set up at the four corners of the stone pagoda by way of guardians. In the case of three statues, their surfaces were denudated and their iconographies have been indiscernible. However, the one in the southwest clearly shows its iconography. It is inferior in properties to the other three statues in the northwest, the northeast and the southeast respectively, but on the other hand its iconography has been well maintained. The reason is related to exposure to harmful environments; specifically, the retaining wall, built around the stone pagoda in the 17th century, had the southwest statue inside and could naturally worked as a buffer against harmful environments. As a result, for about 400 years there has been difference in weathering conditions between the three stone statues and the southwest statue, which brought denudation, the consequent indiscernibleness of iconography and biological invasion to the three statues, notwithstanding superior properties(northwest statue:$176kgf/cm^2$, northeast statue:$109kgf/cm^2$, southeast statue:$273kgf/cm^2$). In contrast, the southwest statue significantly shows its iconography with black contaminants and granule decomposition, despite inferior properties($133kgf/cm^2$). Defenseless exposure to external environment is not recommended for the stone statues, because it is hard to preserve the extant iconography. Herein lies the application of the data on microclimate around Mireuksaji Temple. As regards the weathering zone in which the stone statues are located, Conservation increases in acidity and frequency as years go by, Hereat, in the approach to the Conservation of stone statues, the first consideration needs to be morphological historicity rather than geographical location.

On the Research of 17th Century Joseon Dynasty's Bulsang, a Buddist Statue, Manufacturing Technique by Examining the Daeungbojeon Hall Samse-bulsang, The Buddha of the Three Words, at the Haenam Daeheungsa Temple (해남 대흥사 대웅보전 삼세불상을 통해 본 17세기 조선시대 불상의 제작기법 연구)

  • Lee, Su-yea
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.47 no.1
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    • pp.164-179
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    • 2014
  • The Buddhas of the Three Words in a form of arranging Bhaiṣajyaguru and $Amit{\bar{a}}bha$ at its side based on ${\acute{S}}{\bar{a}}kyamuni$ at the center is enshrined in Daeungbojeon Hall of Daeheungsa Temple located at Haenam. So far, this Buddhas of the Three Words has been known as a wooden Buddha statue. However, as a result of X-ray screening, in left/right Buddha statues excepting main Buddha, wood and molding clay layer were observed at the same time. Therefore, this study intended to observe its internal structure, grafting method and to clarify making technique of Buddha statue during Joseon era based on image information being obtained through X-ray screening of The Buddhas of the Three Words of Daeheungsa Temple. As its result, it was revealed that form of ${\acute{S}}{\bar{a}}kyamuni$ was completed by mainly grafting 5 pieces of timber and this statue shows a typical wood grafted Buddha statue during Joseon era. Form of Bhaiṣajyaguru and $Amit{\bar{a}}bha$ were completed based on molding technique by applying clay on sculpture similar to its appearance after sculpturing more than 10 pieces of timber through its grafting. In other words, internal timber is considered to play a role of its core and grafting method of timber is more close to a technique of molding Buddha statue than to that of wooden Buddha statue during Joseon era. However, clay was directly applied on timber thinly, not applying clay thickly on it after winding straw rope on wooden core and its characteristic is that its facial area was completely composed of wooden construction only. Therefore, it is hard to rule out a possibility that the original sculpturing intention of an artist might be a wooden Buddha statue but in view of the fact that a word, 'molding' was used in a record of relics buried in statue, it could be seen that this Buddha statue might have been recognized as a molding statue at the time when creation of this statue was completed. It is considered that number of case of making statue based on this technique would be more increased when more results of X-ray screening should be accumulated and if more data should be collected, it would provide a significant evidence for identifying chronological, regional aspects of making technique of Buddha statue.

Estimation of the Three-dimensional Vegetation Landscape of the Donhwamun Gate Area in Changdeokgung Palace through the Rubber Sheeting Transformation of (<동궐도(東闕圖)>의 러버쉬팅변환을 통한 창덕궁 돈화문 지역의 입체적 식생 경관 추정)

  • Lee, Jae-Yong
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.51 no.2
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    • pp.138-153
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    • 2018
  • The purpose of this study was to analyze , which was made in the late Joseon Dynasty to specify the vegetation landscape of the Donhwamun Gate area in Changdeokgung Palace. The study results can be summarized as below. First, based on "Jieziyuan Huazhuan(芥子園畵傳)", the introductory book of tree expression delivered from China in the 17th century, allowed the classification criteria of the trees described in the picture to be established and helped identify their types. As a result of the classification, there were 10 species and 50 trees in the Donhwamun Gate area of . Second, it was possible to measure the real size of the trees described in the picture through the elevated drawing scale of . The height of the trees ranged from a minimum of 4.37 m to a maximum of 22.37 m. According to the measurement results, compared to the old trees currently living in Changdeokgung Palace, the trees described in the picture were found to be produced in almost actual size without exaggeration. Thus, the measured height of the trees turned out to be appropriate as baseline data for reproduction of the vegetation landscape. Third, through the Rubber Sheeting Transformation of , it was possible to make a ground plan for the planting of on the current digital topographic map. In particular, as the transformed area of was departmentalized and control points were added, the precision of transformation improved. It was possible to grasp the changed position of planting as well as the change in planting density through a ground plan of planting of . Lastly, it was possible to produce a three-dimensional vegetation landscape model by using the information of the shape of the trees and the ground plan for the planting of . Based on the three-dimensional model, it was easy to examine the characteristics of the three-dimensional view of the current vegetation via the view axis, skyline, and openness to and cover from the adjacent regions at the level of the eyes. This study is differentiated from others in that it verified the realism of and suggested the possibility of ascertaining the original form of the vegetation landscape described in the painting.

The Back Garden Structure and the Symbolism of Immortal World of Gangwon Provincial Office in Late Joseon Dynasty (조선후기 강원감영의 후원조영(造營)과 신선세계)

  • Lee, Sang Kyun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.49 no.3
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    • pp.12-31
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    • 2016
  • Gangwon Provincial Office, which is Historical Landmark No. 439, existed from 1395 to 1895. It played a significant role of provincial administration. Gangwon Provincial Office was rebuilt in the $17^{th}$ Century when governors' additional job system began. It had 50 buildings and 670 sections. During the Japanese colonial era and the Korean War, most of the buildings were demolished, and in 2005 partially restored. Currently, after the old Wonju City Post Office was demolished, the back garden facilities of the Provincial Office are being restored. The back garden of Gangwon Provincial Office was completely destroyed when the Japanese army base at Wonju made it a playing field during the Japanese colonial era. After demolishing the old post office in the back garden, excavation and investigation were made. A pond and building relics were found, but they were too damaged to be restored. However, this thesis found that there were Bongraekak, Yeongjusa(Kwanpungkak), Cheyako, Joojeong Rainbow Bridge after studying literature and paintings. There were also Hwansunjeong and Bangjangdae outside the pond. The names of the back garden and how they were made are related to hsien. In the pond, they made 3 islands signifying Mt. Samshin(immortal world) in the legend and built pavilions on that. The pavilions of the back garden were named Bongrae, Yeongju, and Bangjang, and the titles of other pavilions also had the names of hsien. The back garden of Gangwon Provincial Office was made like an immortal world, befitting its role of governing Mt. Bongrae(Mt. Geumgang.) The governors of Gangwon Province often went to the back garden and enjoyed becoming a hsien. They regarded themselves as the owners of Bongrae, i.e., the immortal world. Gangwon Provincial Office has a unique historical significance because it implemented an immortal world, making use of the characteristic of Gangwon Province.

A Study on the Causality of Technology Culture of East Asian Roof Tile Making Technology Since the 17th Century (17세기 이후 동아시아 제와(製瓦)의 기술문화적 인과성)

  • Kim, Hajin
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.3
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    • pp.56-73
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    • 2019
  • This paper aims to establish the technical style of roof tiles by analyzing East Asian roof tile making techniques. It will examine the existing main research data, such as excavation results and the subsequent analysis of the roof tiles' production traces, as well as references and transmitted techniques. Regions are grouped according to technical similarity, then grouped again by artistic styles of pattern and shape and by the technical styles of tools, procedures, and manpower plans. Accordingly, intends to find out whether an understanding of technical style can facilitate an understanding of not only cultural aspects, but also the causality of techniques. Korean, Chinese and Japanese tools were examined, and procedures for making roof tiles were classified into 4 groups. In a superficial way, China, Okinawa, Korea, and Honshu share similar technical traits. Research of procedural details and manpower plans revealed characteristics of each region. As a result, comparisons were made between each region's technical characteristics attempting to investigate their causes. The groups were classified according to their possessing techniques, but it was revealed that East Asia's shared production techniques were based on architectural methodss. The skill of "Pyeon Jeol(Clay Cutting)" classified according to its possessing techniques, turned out to be one such technique. Also, the procedure of technical localization based on the skill of "Ta-nal(Tapping)" showed that the condition of this technique was the power to localize in response to a transfer of techniques. Previous comparison parameters of artifacts would have been a similarity of style originated from exchanges between regions and stylistic characteristics of regions decided by the demander's taste of beauty. This methodology enlarges cultural perception and affords a positive basis of historical facts. However, it suggests the possibility of finding cultural aspects' origins by understanding the technical style and seeing same result in view of "technology culture."

The educational activities of Donam Seowon (돈암서원의 강학 활동)

  • Kim, Moon Joon
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.58
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    • pp.161-199
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    • 2018
  • The contents and method of education of all Korean scholars are similar to the contents and method of education provided by Zhu Xi(朱熹), but they operated in a somewhat different way according to schools. Those who served as the first directors of Donam Seowon were Kim Gip(金集, 1574~1656), Song Joon-gil(宋浚吉, 1606~1672) and Song Si-yeol(宋時烈, 1607~1689), who were the writers of Kim Jang-saeng(金長生, 1548~1631). Donam Seowon is supposed to have weakened the status of scholarship and the activities of lectures as HwaYang Seowon and Seoksil Seowon, which principals were all the Noron(老論) scholars, grew to be the center of education institution of the Noron. Donam Seowon have not preserved the school regulations. But the way of operating system of Donam Seowon can be guessed through the letter of Song Joon-gil, who was the headmaster of the late 17th century on the whole operation of Donam Seowon. From this letter, it is assumed that the school of Donam Seowon is similar to the 'Unbyoung-Jungsa regulations' written by Lee Yi(李珥). The headmasters of Donam Seowon was the Noron scholars. And scholars of the Kim Chang-hyeop(金昌協, 1651~1708) school became headmasters more than the scholars of Kwon Sang-ha(權尙夏, 1641~1721) school. Headmasters of the Donam Seowon had served as the headmasters of HwaYang Seowon and Seoksil Seowon also. In the early days of the establishment of the Donam Seowon, the lecture activities conducted in Donam Seowon were preceded by the textbooks of Kim Jang-saeng/Song Si-yeol's teaching curriculum and neo-confucian books[i.e Sohak (小學)${\rightarrow}$Family Ritual(家禮)${\rightarrow}$Simkyong(心經)${\rightarrow}$Keunsarok(近思錄). It is assumed that the scholars of Seoksil Seowon, who was a Noron Nak-ron(洛論) scholars, gradually adopted Lee Yi's teaching curriculum[i.e, Sohak(小學)${\rightarrow}$Sasoe(四書)${\rightarrow}$Okyoung(五經)]. This lecture contents and procedure was contents and procedure of the Seoksil Seowon, established and operated by the scholars of the Kim Chang-hyeop school. Entrance qualification of Donam Seowon's did not place importance on the social status, but on scholarship and personality. The examination for a high-ranking government official was not allowed. Although the principle, students had to participate in the lecture and study(講學), they were living in Seowon, while the financial and operating of the Seowon became increasingly difficult, the students were changed to participate in the conference(講會) held twice a month while studying at their homes.

Management of Naturalized Citizens from Yeozin and Its Limitation Through the Event of Guilsang(吉尙) in the Early 17th Century - Centering on 『Naturalization Registration』 (길상사건(吉尙事件)을 통해 본 17세기 초 향화호인(向化胡人) 관리 실태와 한계 - 『향화인등록(向化人謄錄)』을 중심으로 -)

  • Yi, Sun Hui
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.37
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    • pp.93-126
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    • 2009
  • This study is about a event, which happened on January of 1603 in Hamheung. It has covered from the beginning through the conclusion of the event. The event was ignited by a naturalized citizen, Guilsang's coming to the capital city without permission from the government. With this study I've wished to find the situations of specific management of naturalized citizens as well as popular attitudes towards them at the time. Concerning with the event of Guilsang, I could find more detailed situations from "Naturalization Registration". The reason why Guilsang came to Seoul was that he wanted to ask for living together with his son-in-law's family in Yang-Ju. Before his coming, Bie-Byun-Sa had sent a official letter to the governor of Hamkyung-Do so that he had had to move somewhere between Anbyun and Yung-heung. But Guilsang had wanted to live with his whole family in Seoul. The place he visited first was Sa-Yuk-Won. He presented his petition through Yeozin language translator there. Sa-Yuk-Won then informed Ye-Jo to have him investigated. After its investigation, Ye-Jo reported to the king. There were arguments about Guilsang family in the government. Guilsang had wanted to live with his whole family, including his relatives and son-in-law. Guilsang's request had more pros than cons in terms of humanism. But letting him live in Seoul was a difficult decision for the government. but his family strenuously insisted on living in Seoul, trying to kill itself. Finally Government selected Yong-In which was a compromise between the naturalized citizens' wish and difficult position of Government. Yong-In Miejo-Hyun was a poor region where naturalized citizens had lived before but now empty after the wars. In the process of the event of Guilsang, Government differentiated naturalized citizens from general citizens and regarded them foreign. A man from Yeozin was naturalized due to economic reason. But, he couldn't accept to live somewhere except Seoul, separating from his family. Government concerned with dangers of naturalized citizen becoming into foreign agents and stabilization of borders. These concerns caused the policy of residential control and decentralization of naturalized citizens failed.

Woodam Jeong Si-han's Understanding of Toegye (우담(愚潭) 정시한(丁時翰)은 퇴계(退溪)를 어떻게 이해하였는가? - 『사칠변증(四七辨證)』을 중심으로 -)

  • Kang, Heui Bok
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.29
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    • pp.33-54
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    • 2010
  • Woodam(愚潭) Jeong Si-han(丁時翰, 1625-1707) played an important role in the formation and development of the Toegye School. This writing explores the way Woodam understood the thought of Toegye(退溪, 1501-1570) as presented in The Book of Four-Seve Demonstration(四七辨證) The 17th century that Woodam lived in was the period in which monism and dualism coexisted. Woodam's understanding of Toegye's thought can be summarized as follows: 1) Woodam followed Toegye's li(理)-qi(氣) defense and his view on the origin of nature and emotion, acknowledging Toegye as the orthodox transmitter of Zhu Xi's teachings, 2) Woodam considered that the difference between the past and the contemporary teachings was simply caused by the difficulty of comprehending the character "li (principle) ". Thus he criticized Yulgok(栗谷, 1536-1584)'s claim that "that which rises is qi (material force), and that which gives rise to qi is li," and followed instead Toegye's views of the entivity, dynamism, and ultimacy of li and its substantial function. Yet, Woodam further developed Toegye's thought and asserted that "in the midst of the marvelous unity of li and qi, li is always dominant and qi is always ancillary." 3) Woodam criticized Yulgok's thought and advocated Toegye's doctrine of the mutual motion of li and qi(理氣互發說), thereby following Toegye's insistence that difference can be observed in sameness and sameness can be observed in difference, that integrative thinking is needed to constructively embrace both analytic and synthetic judgments. In conclusion, Woodam understood profoundly and correctly Toegye's views on the relationship between li and qi and between nature and emotion, and explained them more concretely. In so doing, he endeavored to live the life by the teachings of Toegye.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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