• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.38
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• pp.221-249
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• 2013

This paper aims to examine the meaning of 'Xuan(玄)' in the cosmogony, especially in the view of Yang-xiong(揚雄) and Ge-hong(葛洪). The concept 'Xuan' is thought to have originated in the XianQin text Laozi & Zhouyi. After the XianQin period, this concept has been defined as philosophical concept, and it has a variety of meanings. This paper discussed about the cause of creation, the differentiation process, and the existence principle, within the cosmogony of Yang-xiong & Ge-hong. First, the cause of creation in the Yang-xiong is efficient cause in the state of the elementary substance, but also is the principle that is applied to the phase of the creation. While the cause of creation in the Ge-hong is comprised of the cause of the creation and the existence principle. Thus, the meaning of the concept 'Xuan' in the both scholar is different from the matter monism. Second, the concept 'Xuan' in the both scholar contains the tendency of cosmogony and ontology. Yang-xiong maintains the cosmogony, but he also hold on the rudimentary view of ontology. While Ge-hong display a tendency of ontology. Third, Ge-hong accepted the view of Yang-xiong and he developed the meaning of the existence principle. And finally, the concept 'Xuan' in the both scholar forms a philosophical system. Yang-xiong insisted that the concept 'Xuan' is the basis of the universe, the human-being and the society. While through realizing the concept 'Xuan', Ge-hong tried to pursue the human-being's agelessness and the eternal life.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.73-107
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• 2012

Yeoheon Jang Hyeongwang(1554-1637), one of the greatest Mid-Joseon Confucianists did systematic studies on universe and nature. It can be considered that he inherited the academic tradition of Cho Sik (曺植) and Jeong Gu(鄭逑) and followed their steps of fengshui (風水) and compilation of geographical records. His living and thought and deserve researching with regard to geographical studies. This paper attempts to analyze Yeoheon's recognition of geography in general. In other words, I shall prove that his view of geography is Neo-Confucian. At the same time, I shall discuss how he named people's residence, how he understanded the Joseon territory, what he thought about fengshui, and what significance the complication of geographical records by his disciples had. Yeoheon considered that land is composed of water, fire, earth, and rock, and understanded the land according to the theory of Zhouyi (周易). He analyzed geographic environments by the system of Zhouyi. His study of geography is basically intended for practical use, and as a result is necessary for people to choose where to live and where to cultivate. In his opinion, it is essential to divide the land of the Joseon by means of geographical differences in order to help people to find a better place to live. We can see his Confucian view from the fact that he placed a greater emphasis on human beings over nature. Therefore, the practical use for humans is the first priority in his study of geography. Meanwhile, he considered nature itself as only the object of study. He realized the vitality of life by making a close observation of nature and attained the mind of the Heaven and Earth in a detached way. He, as a follower of Neo-Confucianism, enjoyed the land by feeling comfortable with his present status and by being satisfied with himself. He put his Confucian view of universe and world into practice in his life. As a part of his efforts, he named his residence and surrounding natural environments with the polar star and 28 stars, and accordingly they are reconstructed in a system of universe. The Confucian tradition of dongcheon gugok (洞天九曲) starting with Zhu Xi's administration of wuyi jiugu (武夷九曲) was widely prevalent during the Joseon period, but Yeoheon's system of organizing places is original. His sense of naming places reflects his ideas of following his predecessors, comparing natural objects to human emotions, and desiring to live in retirement. Yeoheon understanded the Joseon territory with comparison of the Chinese land. He expressed his knowledge in the form of changing geographical features of a district, appreciating natural beauty, locating towns, and being familiar with a region, and proposing his own climatology and view of the reality. His recognition of the Joseon territory resolves itself into the following several points. He regarded the Joseon territory as one organism, and considered the territory to be composed of ki (氣) as Neo-Confucianists usually do. In addition, he understanded not only natural environments but also towns from a perspective of the fengshui and adopted a comparative methodology in dividing regions. He also applied climatology to analyze persons and customs. He employed the methodology of fengshui from the comprehensive theory of the Yijing. It is because he was influenced by Cho Sik and Jeng Gu. Yeoheon chose dwelling places for people, or gave advice on several places of his hometown relying on his knowledge of fengshui. When it comes to his theory of fengshui, he agreed with the theory of topography with regards to the fengshui of tombs, but criticized the custom of delaying funerals in order to turn fortune in one's favor. In addition, he accepted that it is necessary to complement a town by creating forests around it. We need to pay attention to the fact that Yeoheon's disciples complied several geographical records. It proves that they inherited the tradition of "valuing practical use and governing on behalf of the people" from Cho Sik and Jeong Gu. Yeoheon put a great emphasis on geographical records and encouraged his disciples to compile them. In other words, he emphasized that they, as administrator or intellectual, need to be erudite in the history and custom of a region where they have lived, and have to establish a standard to encourage or warn people in the region while considering the geographical records. His opinion functioned as a guideline for his successors to compile geographical records later. This paper only analyzed several facts with regard to Yeoheon's knowledge of geography and an academic tradition concerning the study of geography. In the future, I shall discuss how his predecessors and successors understanded geography and how the tradition of compiling geographical records was transferred and developed between them. I believe that this study will contribute to establishing the history of geography, which the Joseon Confucianists researched for a long time but we have not paid an enough attention to until now.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.52-71
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• 2011

This study was initiated with the intent to consider the features of Gugokwonlim and to compare Gabsagugok(甲寺九曲) to Yongsangugok(龍山九曲) against the backdrop of Mt. Gyeryong by revealing their nature and confirming the names and exact locations. A literature review, interviews with local people and field studies confirmed that Gabsagugok and Yongsangugok are each composed of 9 seasonal features. The former is made up of Yongyuso(龍遊沼) - Iilcheon(二一川) - Baengnyonggang(白龍岡) - Dalmuntaek(達門澤) - Geumgyeam(金鷄?) - Myeongwoldam(明月潭) - Gyemyeongam(鷄鳴巖) - Yongmunpok(龍門瀑) - Sujeongbong(水晶峰) while the latter is made up of Simyongmun(尋龍門) - Eunnyongdam(隱龍潭) - Waryonggang(臥龍剛) - Yuryongdae(遊龍臺) - Hwangnyongam(黃龍岩) - Hyeollyongso(見龍沼) - Ullyongtaek(雲龍澤) - Biryongchu(飛龍湫) - Sillyongyeon(神龍淵). Both Gabsagugok and Yongsangugok are part of Gugokwonlim built in the valleys of Mt. Gyeryong in the late Joseon Dynasty by Byeoksu Yun Deok-yeong (1927) and Chwieum Gwon Jun-myeon (1932), respectively, with a 5 year difference. Gabsagugok was supposedly designed to reflect an individual taste for the arts and to admire principles of Juyeok (ch. Zhouyi) and the beauty of nature. On the contrary, Yongsangugok appears to be the builder's expression of his longing for independence day, likened to the life of a dragon after receiving the sad news of Japan's annexation of Korea. Such differences show that these two builders had very different intentions from one another. The letters of Gabsagugok have a semi cursive style and were deeply engraved on the rock in a square shape. Consequently they have not been worn away except for those in Yongyuso, the first Gok. In contrast, the letters in Yongsangugok have an antiquated, cursive-Yija style but because they were engraved relatively lightly, serious wear and damage occurred. In terms of location, Gabsagugok was built around Ganseongjang adjacent to the 5th Gok while Yongsangugok was set up around the 5th Gok, Hwangnyongam. Meanwhile, the important motif which forms the background of Gabsagugok seemingly highlights the geographic identity of Mt. Gyeryong using the dragon and the chicken as themes. It also appears to symbolize the principles of Juyeok focusing on Kan of the Eight Trigrams for divination; this requires an in-depth study for confirmation. The main motif and theme of Yongsangugok is the dragon. It infuses the builder's intentions in Sangsinri Valley by communicating with nature through a story of a dragon's life from birth to ascension. It is assumed that he tried to use this story to express his hope for restoring the national spirit and reconstructing the country.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.71
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• pp.99-128
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• 2018

Zhōuyì周易 is intended to explain the affairs of human beings by observing the images and works of all things in the universe, abstracting them into the $b{\bar{a}}gu{\grave{a}}$八卦, calculating the process and inducing the outcome by the method of stalk divination, in which this paper finds the origin of natural scientific thought of Zhōuyì. The way of Zhōuyì's thought on the natural science is distinguished from that of the Western's. In the West, people dismantled the objects into the parts until they reached the atom and analyzed them by the principle of causality to draw an axiomatic truth. In the meantime Zhōuyì observed and studied the dynamic functions and changes of all things for the convergence of the whole. While the way of Zhōuyì's thinking could have not contributed to the development of modern scientific development, that of the West overwhelmed Asian development passing through the period of enlightenment during 16-17 century. This paper tries to articulate the points where Zhōuyì can share its theory with the contemporary science by finding the traces of scientific thoughts in Zhōuyì. It encounters its ground from the methodology of natural science and scientific statements proposed by Zhōuyì. The essential concepts of Zhōuyì are induced from all things in nature. This can be considered as the idea of '法自然'(emulating the patterns and examples from nature). Also they observed the images and changes seen by the habits of animals, plants and human beings to sense and perceive their laws. These are regarded as the methodology of natural science in Zhōuyì. As a book of divination, the way of stalk divination is designed to calculate the future by using the system of 'numbers'. 'tàijí太極', ' yīnyáng陰陽', 'four symbols四象', '$b{\bar{a}}gu{\grave{a}}$八卦' and 'wǔxíng五行' are the essential concepts of Zhōuyì to represents the dynamic phenomena and changes of the natural order. Among them '$b{\bar{a}}gu{\grave{a}}$八卦' is a presentment to explain the structure of the world not by the individual analysis of things but by the unification of the whole through the contradictions and interchanges among them to reach the new orders. As of now, the studies of Zhōuyì in Korea have focused on the traditional perspectives, such as political and ethical philosophy. Some of recent studies, having interpreted Zhōuyì with scientific inclination have generated controversy 'Can Zhōuyì be a science?', for which scholars have hard time to reach the agreement. This paper tries to find the headwaters of the contemporary natural science by elaborating the methodology of natural science stated in Zhōuyì.