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A Study on the Paleomagnetism of Southern Korea since Permian (페름기(紀) 이후(以後) 한국(韓國)의 고지자기(古地磁氣)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Kim, Kwang Ho;Jeong, Bong II
    • Economic and Environmental Geology
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    • v.19 no.1
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    • pp.67-83
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    • 1986
  • Oriented hand samples were collected from Gobangsan Formation and Nogam Formation in the north of Danyang and south of Yeongchun, from Bansong Group in and around Danyang, from Nampo Group in Chungnam Coalfield, from Gyeongsang Supergroup distributed from Waegwan through Daegu to Gyeongsan and from Daegu to Goryong, and from volcanic flows in Jeongog area and Jeju Island to study the paleomagnetism of southern Korea since Permian. Stepwise alternating field and thermal demagnetization experiments were carried out to determine optimum fields and temperatures. Observed mean paleomagnetic directions are as follows: $D=331.5^{\circ}$, $I=25.1^{\circ}$, $a95=12.8^{\circ}$ for Permian, $D=325.6^{\circ}$, $I=46.1^{\circ}$, $a95=11.8^{\circ}$ for Triassic, $D=313.4^{\circ}$, $I=43.1^{\circ}$, $a95=16.0^{\circ}$ for early Jurassic, $D=41.3^{\circ}$, $I=64.6^{\circ}$, $a95=4.5^{\circ}$ for early Cretaceous, $D=28.3^{\circ}$, $I=58.1^{\circ}$, $a95=2.3^{\circ}$ for late Cretaceous, $D=2.0^{\circ}$, $I=55.8^{\circ}$, $a95=6.6^{\circ}$for Quaternary. To describe the tectonic translocation of southern Korean block, northern Eurasian continental block was used as a reference frame. For each age since Permian the expected northern Eurasian field directions in terms of paleolatitude and declination were calculated. The paleolatitudes of Permian ($13.2^{\circ}N$) and early Jurassic ($25.1^{\circ}N$) obtained from the study area are quite different from those of Permian ($66.0^{\circ}N$) and early Jurassic ($68.1^{\circ}N$) which are expected for northern Eurasia. The declinations of Permian ($331.5^{\circ}$) and early Jurassic ($313.4^{\circ}$) are also quite different from those of the Permian ($56.6^{\circ}$) and the early Jurassic ($47.5^{\circ}$) expected for northern Eurasia. The Cretaceous paleolatitude is similar to the expected within error limit, but the declination for the same period is significantly different from that of the expected for the northern Eurasia. From the above evidences it is suggested that the south Korean land mass had moved from low latitude in Permian to north and sutured to northern continental block since early Jurassic. The relative rotations of early Cretaceous($27.4^{\circ}$) and late Cretaceous($10.8^{\circ}$) to northern Eurasian continent reveal that the Korean land mass might be rotated clockwise in two different times, probably in late Early Cretaceous and in Tertiary.

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Toesikje Garden and Landscape Culture in the Middle Goryeo Dynasty as Viewed through 'Dongkukesangkukjip' ('동국이상국집(東國李相國集)'을 통해 본 고려중기 퇴식재(退食齋) 원유와 조경문화)

  • Shin, Sang-Sup;Rho, Jae-Hyun
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.28 no.2
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    • pp.57-66
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    • 2010
  • In reviewing 'Dongkukesangkukjip(東國李相國集)' a selection of prose and poetry describing Toesikje, the house of Kee Heung-soo, a military official in the middle Goryeo Dynasty, the outcome of the study intended to infer garden scenery and landscape culture managed and possessed by high society at that time is outlined as follows. First, Kee Heung-soo, the owner of the house and Lee Kyu-bo, the author of Toesikje Palryeng(退食齋八詠) are thought to be those who first designated the 8 scenic points and recreated the concept of public enjoyment of into the concept of personal enjoyment in Korea. Second, the spatial configuration of the Toesikje garden is presumed to be in the Gee-Seung-Jeon-Gyul(introduction-development-turn-conclusion) style in which a fairyland is built to enjoy a free and peaceful life, while anticipating coming days and pursuing creation-prosperity-transcendence-return. Third, the viewpoint structure of the scenery Wongyeong(Toesikje), Donggyeong(Youngcheondong), Cheonggyeong(Cheokseojung), Myunggyeong(Dokrakwon), Jingyeong(Yeonmukdang), Sigyeong(Yeoneuiji), Yunggyeong(Nokgunheon), and Hyungyeong(Daehoseok) contains a symbolic universal vision of Palchejigyeongsek(the 8 scenic points) which incorporates Samwon(heaven, earth and water) and Obangwi(orientations), and the harmonization principle of the scenic points where the building and garden are harmonized. Fourth, Je, Dang, and Heon, Jeong(齋, 堂, 軒, 亭) are introduced to the garden, and Geehwayeecho, Jingeumgeesoo, Gasan and Goeseok(stone) were used in a variety of ways. Fifth, it was found that the management of Shinseongyeong and enjoyment of Yoosanggoksu events, with the study and seeking of perfect knowledge and discipline, wandering and rest led to a sublime appreciation of aesthetic beauty and divine glory. Sixth, a miniature garden was built to enjoy the view from above, together with the view in the distance, and a culture of secluded living, along with scenery expressing the heart's desire for Utopia was induced.

An Analysis of Infrastructure and Provision of Forest Welfare Service in Nursing Homes for the Elderly (노인요양시설의 산림복지서비스 인프라 및 제공 실태)

  • Lee, Insook;Kim, Sungjae;Bang, Kyung-Sook;Yi, Yunjeong;Kim, Miju;Moon, Hyojeong;Yeon, Poung Sik;Ha, Ei-Yan;Chin, Young Ran
    • The Journal of the Korean Institute of Forest Recreation
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    • v.22 no.4
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    • pp.59-69
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    • 2018
  • This is a cross-sectional study that suggests ways to activate forest welfare services (FWS) by investigating the infrastructure, service status, and perception on FWS in Korea. In August 2016, a structured email survey was conducted in nation widely. The respondents were mostly directors and general secretary (75.0%). The considerable number (16.3%) of nursing homes (NH) use some floors of the complex buildings that would be difficult to have FWS infrastructure and about 30% of those without forests near the facilities. The directors of NH recognize that FWS has positive effects on the elderly. However, FWS is not an requisite of the longterm care insurance benefit, and so costly and effort-intensive that FWS has not been activated so far. In order to activate FWS in NHs, it is necessary to develop and disseminate the guidelines on FWS that anyone can easily followed. In addition, when the National Health Insurance Corporation evaluates NHs, they should evaluate not only whether there is a wandering or walking space, but also whether it has forest healing factors such as forests. It is also necessary to create a barrier-free environment both inside and outside of NHs, increasing accessibility to the toilet in gardens, paving a passage for wheelchairs and lifts in forests near NHs. Through these efforts, it is expected that FWS will be activated to provide physical, mental rest and comfort, appropriate cognitive stimulation to the NH residents at the end of life.

A comparative study on Diaspora consciousness of polish emigrants before and after the transformation of the political system reflected in the polish literary works (2) (체제전환 이전과 이후 폴란드 문학에 나타난 폴란드 이민자들의 디아스포라적 의식 비교 연구 (2))

  • Choi, Sung Eun
    • East European & Balkan Studies
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    • v.35
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    • pp.153-186
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    • 2013
  • Literature has been special for the Polish who suffered from the numerous invasions from surrounding countries for her geographical location at the center of Europe. In the late 18th century at a time when Poland was divided and ruled by Russia, Prussia and Austria, literature played an important role in uniting Poland. During the 2nd world war in which Poland was occupied by the Soviet Union and by Germany, and during the Cold War period under socialism system(1948~1989), the Polish literature was in the front to keep unique national culture with overseas migration community at the center. The Polish Diaspora literature from 19th century up to now has naturally embodied national sufferings from foreign powers in their literary tradition linked to the problem of 'migration'. In addition, they belong to other cultural sphere, but keep their own unique identity, which is similar to Korean Diaspora literature to a great degree. This study has two stages. In the first stage, it figures out the formation and trend of the Polish Diaspora literature followed by their meaning in the history of Polish literature. In the second stage, specific texts (two dramas) are analyzed before and after system transition in 1989. * Before system transition: S. Mrożek, Emigranci (1974), * After system transition: J. Głowacki, Antygona w Nowym Yorku (1992) Mrożek and Głowacki had themselves migration experiences with high achievement and recognition in literature not only in Poland but also in the world. In their works, hardships as 'strangers' in foreign countries, emotional wandering and agony, nostalgia to lost home land and exploration of identity were described vividly. By comparing the 2 literature texts, this study attempts to trace the change of Diaspora consciousness which Polish migrants experienced in foreign countries with different political system like socialism and capitalism.

1970s Korean film and landscape of Others -with 'family community' and 'death' motif (1970년대 한국 영화와 타자들의 풍경 -'가족'과 '죽음' 모티프를 중심으로)

  • Han, Young-Hyeon
    • Journal of Popular Narrative
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    • v.25 no.4
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    • pp.429-465
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    • 2019
  • This paper analyzed the ways in which "others" were reproduced in Korean movies in the 1970s. In the midst of the social changes of the era, such as urbanization due to rapid industrial modernization, many people became laborers for industry in order to obtain the fruits of modernization.But the landscape of others, which was inevitably produced in the process of constructing such subjects, has been limited to analysis that is focused on gender and youth discourse. This article aims to extract the landscape of others in the 1970s by adopting a different perspective. The way in which the other is present can be divided into the following two categories. First, in 1970s film, the family community, in contrast with 1960s film, has disintegrated and cracked, due to the inability of others to enter or leave the community. The desperate perception that the family community can no longer function as a stable foundation or center of the constitution, and that it cannot have a sense of security and belonging,is revealed through the way the others are wandering in and out of the community. Second, 'Death' is an element of social life in the violence of the national ideology of the 1970s, and the everyday exceptional state. The way in which the 'other' is completely eliminated from the normal subjectivity requested by the state and is deported in film reflectshow everyday death or potential death is part of life of the 1970s. Normal life pursued through rapid urbanization and industrialization leads to the death of the other beings, but the way of existence of others is the desperate reality of the 1970s, when the boundaries of the state that provide stability and belonging are broken. As a result, the landscape of others in the 1970s reveals a violent reality that destroys the perfect middle class family discourse that industrial modernization was oriented around in the 1970s, and that produced masses of others who caused numerous deaths. In spite of regime censorship, Korean films were popularly revealing the violence of life brought in by the 1970s, following a detour of representation.

Psychological Meaning of Creation Myths: Focused on Darkness/Massa Confusa, Separation of World Parent and Creation of Land/Island (무의식의 창조성 관점으로 고찰한 창조신화: 흑암/혼돈, 천지개벽/분리, 섬/육지 창조 중심)

  • Jin-Sook Kim
    • Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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    • v.38 no.2
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    • pp.269-304
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    • 2023
  • The purpose of this paper is to present the psychological meaning of the creation myths by utilizing related myths, analysand's dreams, active imagination, and artwork to reveal the creative function of the unconscious. The creation myth is the phenomenon of projection when a new order is demanded in the chaotic phase of personal and human history. Depending on the attitude of the ego, it can be a sign of a reconstruction/alteration of consciousness or an invasion. Related literature such as Jung, von Franz, Neumann, Harding, and Edinger, domestic papers, and case reports are introduced to identify the background for this research. The psychological meaning of 'darkness' in creation myths is regarded as unconscious that is too dark to see. The Eskimo creation myth and an analysand's dreams of being blind and wandering in darkness are discussed in relation to nigredo in Alchemy. The psychological meaning of 'massa confusa' regards Uroboros, pleroma, early childhood experience, and a psychological womb in which everything is contained in one. With related myths and unconscious materials, a discussion is followed on how this realm can be a precursor of creation but also be trapped in an abyss. The psychological meaning of 'separation of world parent' is related to splitting one into two when unconscious contexts were touched before it became consciousness. Related myths, 'the world created between heaven and earth,' 'celestial being descending to the earth,' and 'the legend of relocation of a mountain,' as well as clinical material, are examined. Then this paper discusses the clinical implications of the separation of heaven and earth occurring on its own, that the creator's emotional aspects, such as loneliness and anxiety, are involved, and that delayed separation leads to the death of creatura and sudden separation leads to the death of the chaos. Then, the meaning of 'separation of world parent' is discussed in relation with separatio, the alchemical process of acquiring light/consciousness from darkness/unconsciousness. The psychological meaning of the creation of 'land/island' refers to the emergence of consciousness, the contents of the unconscious material into the realm of the ego. Related myths, such as the 'body of the monster/dragon becoming land' and analysand's dreams, are introduced, referring to the embodiment of Mercurius. This is followed by discussing related myths in creating the land to coagulatio in alchemy and utilizing creative work such as active imagination, art, music, and dance that can coagulate or concretize unconscious material in clinical approaches. Finally, myths of resurfaced land after the Flood or the complete destruction of the world in relation to the reconstruction of ego are discussed with related clinical material to show the importance of the analyst/therapist/supervisor's mental stability and capacity.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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