• Dementia and Neurocognitive Disorders
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.147-161
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• 2022

Background and Purpose: Subjective cognitive decline (SCD) refers to the self-perception of cognitive decline with normal performance on objective neuropsychological tests. SCD, which is the first help-seeking stage and the last stage before the clinical disease stage, can be considered to be the most appropriate time for prevention and treatment. This study aimed to compare characteristics between the amyloid positive and amyloid negative groups of SCD patients. Methods: A cohort study to identify predictors for the clinical progression to mild cognitive impairment (MCI) or dementia from subjective cognitive decline (CoSCo) study is a multicenter, prospective observational study conducted in the Republic of Korea. In total, 120 people aged 60 years or above who presented with a complaint of persistent cognitive decline were selected, and various risk factors were measured among these participants. Continuous variables were analyzed using the Wilcoxon rank-sum test, and categorical variables were analyzed using the χ² test or Fisher's exact test. Logistic regression models were used to assess the predictors of amyloid positivity. Results: The multivariate logistic regression model indicated that amyloid positivity on PET was related to a lack of hypertension, atrophy of the left temporal lateral and entorhinal cortex, low body mass index, low waist circumference, less body and visceral fat, fast gait speed, and the presence of the apolipoprotein E ε4 allele in amnestic SCD patients. Conclusions: The CoSCo study is still in progress, and the authors aim to identify the risk factors that are related to the progression of MCI or dementia in amnestic SCD patients through a two-year follow-up longitudinal study.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.29-36
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• 2024

The public can now access movies faster and more easily thanks to over-the-top (OTT) services. The audience may be impacted by period dramas, where accurate costume reproduction is crucial. For filmmakers, it is critical to replicate period costumes using precise historical information. The goal of this study is to act as a reference so that, when it comes to period dramas, viewers can evaluate them using impartial criteria and movie producers can use data based on fact to plan their costumes. The film Napoleon won the British Academy Award for Costume after hiring costume experts to create 95% of the entire costume, according to data from the Napoleon I Museum. Following the French Revolution, the ostentatious and ornate men's attire vanished, to be replaced by a more modest and functional outfit. For tops, vests were cut to waist length, shirts, cravats, and carrick were worn, and tailcoats were the norm. The pants were swapped out for loose-fitting ones. The glitzy hues and embellishments from the bygone era progressively vanished and formed the foundation of the contemporary men's costume, which is dominated by black. The hats worn were tricorn, bicorn, top hat, and bowler, and the hairstyle changed from long to short gradually. The civil class wore short tops called carmagnoles. Napoleon wore a high-collared Napoleon collar and a tailcoat with a bicorn, which became his emblem. Green, navy, and white were the colors of the uniform, and a gray woolen coat was worn outside. The elaborately decorated costumes were worn to court and to banquets; the Napoleonic coronation costume was embellished with gold embroidery on silk, red velvet, and martyred hair; the post-revolutionary costumes gradually became more colorful. In the movie Napoleon, period clothing items were well represented, with the aristocracies wearing dark tailcoats, vests, shirts, and cravats. Based on the data from the men's costume, Napoleon's outfit in the movie was made more similarly. This study's limitation is that not every character in the movie could have their costume examined, and the material matter could not be precisely determined by examining the images displayed on the screen. Given that portraits typically feature a great deal of noble imagery, the clothing worn by common people is also associated with data limitations when it comes to movie costume design.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.4
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• pp.87-114
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• 1981

A costume reveals the social characteristics of the era in which it is worn, thus we can say that the history of change of the costume is the history of change of the living culture of the era. Since the Three States era, the costume structure of this country had been affected by the costume system of the China's historical dynasties in the form of the grant therefrom because of geographical conditions, which affection was conspicuous for the bureaucrat class, particularly including but not limited to the Kings' familities. Such a grant of the costume for the bureaucrat class (i.e., official uniform) was first given by the Dang-dynasty at the age of Queen Jinduck, the 28th of the Shilla-dynasty. Since then, the costume for the bureaucrats had consecutively been affected as the ages had gone from the unified Shilla, to the Koryo and to the Yi-dynasty. As the full costumes officially used by government officials (generally called "Baek Gwan") in the Yidynasty, there existed Jo-bok, Gong-bok and Sang-bok. Of such official costumes, Gong-bok was worn at the time of conducting official affairs of the dynasty, making a respectful visit for the expression of thanks or meeting diplomatic missions of foreign countries. It appears no study was made yet with regard to the Gong-bok while the studies on the Jo-bok and the Sangbok were made. Therefore, this article is, by rendering a study and research on the styles of costumes of civil servants' stone images erected at the Kings' tombs of the Yi-dynasty, to help the persons concerned understand the Gong-bok, one of the official costume for Baek Kwan of that age and further purports to specifically identify the styles and changes of the Gong-bok, worn by Baek Gwan during the Yi-dynasty, consisting of the Bok-doo (a hat, four angled and two storied with flat top), Po (gown), Dae (belt), and Hol (small and thin plate which was officially held by the government officials in hand, showing the courtesy to and writing brief memorandums before the King) and Hwa (shoes). For that purpose, I investigated by actually visiting the tombs of the Kings of the Yi-dynasty including the Geonwon-neung, the tomb of the first King Tae-jo and the You-neung, the tomb of the 27th King Soon-jong as well as the tombs of the lawful wives and concubines of various Kings, totalling 29 tombs and made reference to relevant books and records. Pursuant. to this study, of the 29 Kings' tombs the costume styles of civil servants' stone images erected at the 26 Kings' tombs are those of Gong-bok for Baek-gwan of the Yi-dynasty wearing Bok-doo as a hat and Ban-ryeong or Dan-ryenog Po as a gown with Dae, holding Hol in hand and wearing shoes. Other than those of the 26 tombs, the costume styles of the Ryu-neung, the tomb of the Moon-jo who was the first son of 23rd King Soon-jo and given the King's title after he died and of the You-neung, the tomb of the 27th King Soon-jong are those of Jobok with Yang-gwan (a sort of hat having stripes erected, which is different from the Bok-doo), and that of the Hong-neung, the tomb of the 26th King Go-jong shows an exceptional one wearing Yang-gwan and Ban-ryeong Po ; these costume styles other than Gongbok remain as the subject for further study. Gong-bok which is the costume style of civil servants' stone images of most of the Kings' tombs had not been changed in its basic structure for about 500 years of the Yi-dynasty and Koryo categorized by the class of officials pursuant to the color of Po and materials of Dae and Hol. Summary of this costume style follows: (1) Gwan-mo (hat). The Gwan-mo style of civil servants' stone images of the 26 Kings' tombs, other than Ryu-neung, Hong-neung and You-neung which have Yang-gwan, out of the 29 Kings' tombs of the Yi-dynasty reveals the Bok-doo with four angled top, having fore-part and back-part divided. Back part of the Bok-doo is double the fore-part in height. The expression of the Gak (wings of the Bokdoo) varies: the Gyo-gak Bok-doo in that the Gaks, roundly arisen to the direction of the top, are clossed each other (tombs of the Kings Tae-jong), the downward style Jeon-gak Bok-doo in that soft Gaks are hanged on the shoulders (tombs of the Kings Joong-jong and Seong-jong) and another types of Jeon-gak Bok-doo having Gaks which arearisen steeply or roundly to the direction of top and the end of which are treated in a rounded or straight line form. At the lower edge one protrusive line distinctly reveals. Exceptionally, there reveals 11 Yang-gwan (gwan having 11 stripes erected) at the Ryu-neung of the King Moon-jo, 9 Yang-gwan at the Hong-neung of the King Go-jong and 11 Yang-gwan at the You-neung of the King Soon-jong; noting that the Yang-gwan of Baek Kwan, granted by the Myeong-dynasty of the China during the Yi-dynasty, was in the shape of 5 Yang-gwan for the first Poom (class) based on the principle of "Yideung Chaegang" (gradual degrading for secondary level), the above-mentioned Yang-gwans are very contrary to the principle and I do not touch such issue in this study, leaving for further study. (2) Po (gown). (a) Git (collar). Collar style of Po was the Ban-ryeong (round collar) having small neck-line in the early stage and was changed to the Dan-ryeong (round collar having deep neck-line) in the middle of the: dynasty. In the Dan-ryeong style of the middle era (shown at the tomb of the King Young-jo); a, thin line such as bias is shown around the internal side edge and the width of collar became wide a little. It is particularly noted that the Ryu-neung established in the middle stage and the You-neung in the later stage show civil servants in Jo-bok with the the Jikryeong (straight collar) Po and in case of the Hong-neung, the Hong-neung, the tomb of the King Go-jong, civil servants, although they wear Yang-gwan, are in the Ban-ryeong Po with Hoo-soo (back embroidery) and Dae and wear shoes as used in the Jo-bok style. As I could not make clear the theoretical basis of why the civil servants' costume styles revealed, at these tombs of the Kings are different from those of other tombs, I left this issue for further study. It is also noted that all the civil servants' stone images show the shape of triangled collar which is revealed over the Godae-git of Po. This triangled collar, I believe, would be the collar of the Cheomri which was worn in the middle of the Po and the underwear, (b) Sleeve. The sleeve was in the Gwan-soo (wide sleeve) style. having the width of over 100 centimeter from the early stage to the later stage arid in the Doo-ri sleeve style having the edge slightly rounded and we can recognize that it was the long sleeve in view of block fold shaped protrusive line, expressed on the arms. At the age of the King Young-jo, the sleeve-end became slightly narrow and as a result, the lower line of the sleeve were shaped curved. We can see another shape of narrow sleeve inside the wide sleeve-end, which should be the sleeve of the Cheom-ri worn under the Gong-bok. (c) Moo. The Moo revealed on the Po of civil servants' stone images at the age of the King Sook-jong' coming to the middle era. Initially the top of the Moo was expressed flat but the Moo was gradually changed to the triangled shape with the acute top. In certain cases, top or lower part of the Moo are not reveald because of wear and tear. (d) Yeomim. Yeomim (folding) of the Po was first expressed on civil servants' stone images of the Won-neung, the tomb of the King Young-jo and we can seemore delicate expression of the Yeomim and Goreum (stripe folding and fixing the lapel of the Po) at the tomb of the Jeongseong-wanghoo, the wife of the King Young-jo, At the age of the King Soon-jo, we can see the shape of Goreum similar to a string rather than the Goreum and the upper part of the Goreum which fixes Yeomim was expressed on the right sleeve. (3) Dae. Dae fixed on the Po was placed half of the length of Po from the shoulders in the early stage. Thereafter, at the age of the King Hyeon-jong it was shown on the slightly upper part. placed around one third of the length of Po. With regard to the design of Dae, all the civil servants' stone images of the Kings' tombs other than those of the Geonwon-neung of the King Tae-jo show single or double protrusive line expressed at the edge of Dae and in the middle of such lines, cloud pattern, dangcho (a grass) pattern, chrysanthemum pattern or other various types of flowery patterns were designed. Remaining portion of the waist Dae was hanged up on the back, which was initially expressed as directed from the left to the right but thereafter expressed. without orderly fashion,. to the direction of the left from the right and vice versa, Dae was in the shape of Yaja Dae. In this regard, an issue of when or where such a disorderly fashion of the direction of the remaining portion of waist Dae was originated is also presented to be clarified. In case of the Ryuneung, Hong-neung and You-neung which have civil servants' stone images wearing exceptional costume (Jo-bok), waist Dae of the Ryu-neung and Hong-neung are designed in the mixture of dual cranes pattern, cosecutive beaded pattern and chrvsenthemum pattern and that of You-neung is designed in cloud pattern. (4) Hol. Although materials of the Hol held in hand of civil servants' stone images are not identifiable, those should be the ivory Hol as all the Baek Gwan's erected as stone images should be high class officials. In the styles, no significant changes were found, however the Hol's expressed on civil servants' stone images of the Yi-dynasty were shaped in round top and angled bottom or round top and bottom. Parcicularly, at the age of the King Young-jo the Hol was expressed in the peculiar type with four angles all cut off. (5) Hwa (shoes). As the shoes expressed on civil servants' stone images are covered with the lower edges of the Po, the styles thereof are not exactly identifiable. However, reading the statement "black leather shoes for the first class (1 Poom) to ninth class (9 Poom)," recorded in the Gyeongkook Daejon, we can believe that the shoes were worn. As the age went on, the front tips of the shoes were soared and particularly, at the Hong-neung of the King Go-jong the shoes were obviously expressed with modern sense as the country were civilized.

• Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
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• v.51 no.1
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• pp.1-25
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• 2008

Purpose : Since 1967, The Korean Pediatric Society and Korean Government have developed Korean Growth Standards every 10 years. Last version was published in 1998. During past 40 years, Korean Growth Standards were mainly descriptive charts without any systematic nor statistical standardization. With the global epidemic of obesity, many authorities such as World Health Organization (WHO) and United States' Centers for Disease Control (CDC) have been changed their principles of growth charts to cope with the situations like ours. This article summarizes and reviews the whole developmental process of new 2007 Korean Growth Charts with discussion. Methods : With the initiative of Division of Chronic Disease Surveillance in Korea Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, we have performed new national survey for the development of new Standards in 2005 and identified marked increase of childhood obesity and plateau of secular increment of final height in late adolescents. We have developed new Growth Standards via adapting several innovative methods, including standardization of all available raw data, which were acquired in 1997 and 2005 national survey and full application of LMS method. Results : We could get new standardized charts; weight-for-age, length/height-for-age, weight-for-height, head circumference-for-age and BMI-for-age. Other non-standardized charts based on 2005 survey data were also published; waist circumference-for-age, mid-arm circumference-for-age, chest circumference-for-age and skinfold-for-age. Clinical guideline was also developed. Conclusion : Developmental process and results of new Korean Growth Charts are comparable with other internationally well-known Growth Standards, WHO 2006 Growth Standards and CDC Growth Charts. 2007 Korean Growth Charts are relevant especially in Korea and Korean ethnic groups.

• Journal of Life Science
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.535-542
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• 2010

This study was carried out to examine anthropometric parameters and related habits in female college students. Mean age, height, and body weight of the subjects in total (n=212) were 20.7 yrs, 161.8 cm, and 53.5 kg, respectively. Anthropometric parameters were measured by bioelectrical impedance analysis. Mean degree of obesity, body mass index (BMI), and waist-hip ratio (WHR) were 98.4%, $20.6\;kg/m^2$, and 0.80 respectively. Surprisingly, 63.7% of the subjects showed unbalanced weak upper bodies compared to their lower bodies. Therefore, they were divided into two groups: unbalanced weak upper body group (UU, n=135) and balanced upper body groups (BU, n=77). Bodyweight, degree of obesity, BMI, and WHR in the UU group were significantly lower than those in the BU group. Amounts of body protein, body fat, and body mineral in the UU group were also significantly lower than those of the BU group. Mid-arm muscle circumference of the UU group ($18.5{\pm}0.8\;cm$) was significantly lower than those of BU group ($20.4{\pm}1.2\;cm$), although mid-arm circumference of the UU group was not significantly different compared to those of the BU group. On a questionnaire on exercise habits, 1.5% of the UU group and 7.8% of the BU group answered that they exercised regularly, and 55.5% of the UU group and 31.2% of the BU group reported that they never exercised (p<0.01). Even in the subjects who exercised, the duration of the exercise was not sufficient because 38.4% of the UU group and 35.8% of the BU group answered that they exercised for less than 30 min. In conclusion, interventions in exercise habits may be needed for female college students who have unbalanced weak upper bodies.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.51 no.5
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• pp.400-413
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• 2018

Purpose: This study examined the association between the antioxidant vitamin intake and obesity in Korean women. Methods: Adult women aged ${\geq}19years$ who completed a health examination and nutrition survey from the Korea National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey between 2007 ~ 2016 were selected for the study (n = 30,425). A BMI ${\geq}25kg/m^2$ and waist circumference ${\geq}85cm$ were defined as obesity and abdominal obesity, respectively. The individual antioxidant vitamin intake was estimated by linking the antioxidant vitamin composition database of commonly consumed foods and the subjects' 24-hour recall food consumption data. Carotenoids, retinol, vitamin A (retinol activity equivalent), vitamin C, tocopherols, and vitamin E (${\alpha}$-tocopherol equivalent) were included in the analysis. Each vitamin intake was converted to the nutrient density per 1,000 kcal. Odds ratio (ORs) and 95% confidence interval (CI) for obesity according to each tertile of the nutrient density was obtained from multiple logistic regression adjusted for age, household income, education level, smoking, alcohol consumption, and physical activity. Results: The mean intake of ${\alpha}$-carotene, retinol, vitamin E, ${\alpha}$-tocopherol, and ${\gamma}$-tocopherol per 1,000 kcal was significantly lower in the obese group than in the normal group. A higher intake of lycopene was inversely associated with obesity (highest vs. lowest; OR = 0.89, 95% CI: 0.83-0.96) and abdominal obesity (highest vs. lowest; OR = 0.88, 95% CI: 0.81-0.95). Higher intakes of ${\alpha}$-carotene, total carotenoids, vitamin A, and ${\gamma}$-tocopherol also had a negative relationship with abdominal obesity. The antioxidant vitamin intakes from eggs, milk and dairy products, seasoning, and grains were significantly lower in the obese group than in the normal group. Conclusion: This study showed that the dietary intake of antioxidant vitamins was inversely associated with obesity and abdominal obesity among Korean women. Further study will be needed to examine the causal relationship between the antioxidant vitamin and obesity.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.303-313
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• 2002

The purpose of this study was to compare the anthropometry, blood pressure, blood lipid levels, and nutrient intakes in three groups: a group with an impaired fasting blood glucose (IFG) condition (62 males and 30 females); a group with normal blood glucose (73 males and 50 females); and a group with diabetes mellitus (DM) (79 males and 49 females). In male subjects, body mass index (BMI) and obesity index values were significantly higher in the IFG group than in normal and DM groups, but waist/hip ratio (WHR), systolic blood pressure, and diastolic blood pressure were not significantly different from those of the DM group. In female subjects, there was no difference in body weight, BMI, obesity index and WHR values between the IFG and the DM groups. The prevalence of obesity in the IFG group (males 43.6%, females 76.7%) was the highest among the three groups. The percentage of high SBP (40.0%) and high DBP (52.0%) in male subjects of the IFG group was significantly greater than in the DM group or the normal group. In the male subjects, the serum triglyceride concentration was significantly higher in the DM group than in the normal and IFG groups. There was no difference in various nutrient intakes(energy, carbohydrate, protein, fat, calcium, iron, vitamin A and cholesterol) among the three groups. In male subjects, the percentage of energy intake from alcohol was higher in the IFG group (7.0%) than that of the normal (4.5%) and the DM (5.6%) groups. The fasting blood glucose level had a positive correlation with WHR, TG, the athrogenic index and LDL-cholesterol/HDL-cholesterol. This study suggested that the IFG group had a higher obesity index, BMI, blood pressure and serum lipid levels (TG, cholesterol) than the normal or the DM group; furthermore, the IFG group had higher levels of alcohol intake and habits of taking unbalanced diets. Therefore, guidelines for IFG group should emphasize weight control, diet therapy, physical activities and regular balanced diets, in order to prevent diabetes in this group.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.41 no.7
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• pp.634-664
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• 2008

This study investigated the effects of the nutrition education on body weight, visceral fat and diet quality in the postmenopausal women. The subjects (n = 101) were randomly divided into two groups: Nutrition education + Exercise (NEE) group (n = 51) and Exercise only (EO) group (n = 50). Nutrition education was consisted of counseling in portion control, food selection for low carbohydrate, high fiber food items and for the improvement in micronutrient intakes and diet quality. After 6 months, the reduction in the body weight and visceral fat area was significantly greater in the NEE than in the EO group. The NEE subjects were further divided into two groups according to the amount of visceral fat area reduction; high visceral fat area loss (HVL) group with a visceral fat area reduction 2.35% or greater and low visceral fat area loss (LVL) group with a reduction less than 2.35%. In the HVL group, the reduction in body weight, BMI, percent body fat, waist to hip ratio and visceral fat area was significantly greater than that in the LVL group. We observed a significant increase in the serum HDL-cholesterol level and a decrease in systolic blood pressure, fasting blood sucrose, total and LDL-cholesterol levels in the HVL group compared to the LVL group. The energyadjusted protein, fiber, calcium, vitamin $B_6$, vitamin C, vitamin E intakes were significantly increased in the HVL compared to LVL group. The index of nutritional quality (INQ) and mean adequacy ratio (MAR) were also increased in the HVL group compared to the LVL group. These results show that our nutrition education program was an effective intervention measure for the reduction of body weight and visceral fat, blood pressure, glucose and lipid levels in the blood and also for the improvement of nutrient intake and diet quality in postmenopausal women who are overweight.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.241-260
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• 1995

The Maori's traditional clothing materials, basic forms of dress, and the pattern and technique of tatoo were examined in the present study in order to deepen the appreciation of the cultural heritage of the Maori. The research method employed was the analysis of written materials. And a fild-trip was also made for the study. The study was limitted to the traditional culture of body adornment of the Maori including the clothing which is preserved and practicing by them at the present day, and the origin and the process of the historical development of those are not included in the scope of the present study. Followings are the results of the study: (1) By far the most widely used fiber for Maori clothing is abtained from what is commonly called New Zealand Flax. The fiber of kiekie(Freycinetia baueriana) and cabbage trees(Cordyline spp.) may also be used. The strong, long-lasting fiber of toi(cordyline indivisa) is used for a prestige warrior's cloak. Flat strips of ti kauka(Cordyline australi) are also used as thatch on rain cloaks. (2) Regardless of technique used, Maori weaving is always worked horizontally from left to right. Traditionally the work was suspended between two upright turuturu or weaving sticks. As the work progressed a second pair of uprights was used to keep the work off the ground. These uprights were moved forward as required. Because the weaver sat on the ground, the working edge was kept at a height that was comfortable to reach. No weaving tools are used, the wefts(aho) being manipulated by the fingers. The two main Maori weaving techniques are whatu aho patahi(single-pair twining) and whatu aho rua(double-pair twining). (3) The Maori wore two basic garments - a waist met and a cloak. The cloth of commoners were of plain manufacture, while those of people of rank were superior, sometimes being decorated with feather or dyed tags and decorated borders. Children ran more-or-less naked until puberty, being dressed only for special events. Some working dress consisted of nothing more than belts with leaves thrust under them. Chiefs and commoners usually went barefoot, using rough sandals on journeys over rough country (4) The adornment of men and women of rank was an important matter of tribal concern as it was in chiefly persons that prestige of the group was centred, The durable items of Maori persons adornment were either worn or carried. Ornaments of various kinds were draped about the neck or suspended from pierced earlobes. Combs decorated the head. Personal decorations not only enhanced the appearance of men and women, but many had protective magical function. The most evident personal ornament was the hei-tiki made of jade or other material. Maori weapons were treasured by their owners. They served on bottle and were also personal regalia. A man of rank was not fully dressed without a weapon in hand. Also weapons were essential to effective oratory. (5) No man or woman of rank went without some tattoo adornment except in extremely rare instances when a person was too sacred to have any blood shed. The untattooed were marked as beeing commoners of no social standing. This indelible mark of rank was begun, with appropriate rite and ritual, at puberty. And tattoo marked the person as being of a marriageable age. Maori tattoo was unlike most traditional tattoo in that its main line were 'engraved' on the face with deep cuts made by miniature bone chisels. The fill-in areas were not tattooed with cuts but with the multiple pricks of small bone 'combs' that only lightly penetrated the skin surface. The instrument of tattoo consisted of small pots of pumice or wood into which was placed a wetted black pigment made from burnt kauri gum, burnt vegetable caterpillars or other sooty materials. A bird bone chisel or comb set at right angles on a short wooden handle was dipped into the gigment, that a rod or stick was used to tap head of this miniature adze, causing penetration of the skin surface. Black pigment lodged under the skin took on a bluish tinge. A full made facial tattoo consisted of major spirals with smaller spirals on each side of the nose and sweeping curved lines radiating out from between the brows over the forehead and from the nose to the chin. The major patterns were cut deep, while the secondary koru patterns were lightly pricked into the skin.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.39
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• pp.113-123
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• 1998

This study focuses on the effects of the clothes worn by kisaeng; courtesans trained in singing and dancing, on changes in female psychology as reflected in general women's fashions during the later years of the Chosun dynasty. During this period, the social order had broken down considerable, due in part to the introduction of Roman Catholicism, and in part to the actions of Sil-hak, who emphasized open-ness and practicality in the organization of social affairs. This freer social environment disrup-ted the established social hierarchies. The kisaeng were among the first to respond to the new social mores by adopting more colorful, sensual, and individualized fashions. Their social position allowed them to reflect the new aesthetics of the time right away. Those aesthetics seemed to lay great emphasis on the artistic effects of contrast. The kisaeng would adorn their heads with large Kache (an elaborate wig or hairdo typically reserved for use by women in full formal dress). In contrast to this conspicuous hairstyle, they typically wore very tight-fitting Jogori (short-cropped Korean traditional jackets for women) around their upper torsos. The long skirts emerging from beneath these short jackets would typically flare out dramatically, with the aid of petticoats. However, these skirts would be bound at the waist with a sash, increasing the sexual suggestiveness of the clothing by drawing at-tention to the hips, and by exposing the bottom frills of the petticoats, or the wide pantal-oons and other undergarments the kisaeng wore to add volume to their skirts. The relative freedom enjoyed by the kisaeng to experiment with new fashions was not widely shared by most women. This generated envy from women of the noble classes, who were more bound by convention, and restrained from adopting such a mode of dress. It also generated envy from women of the humble classes, who saw the kisaeng as working little for their wealth, and yet dressing every day in finery that the average women would only ever be able to afford on her wedding day. This envy directed at the relative freedom/wealth of the kisaeng by women who faced greater socioeconomic constraints was given cultural expression through the adoption of elements of the kisaeng's fashion in the fashions of both noblewomen and humble women in old korea. The luxurious Kache sported by the kisaeng had in fact been borrowed from the habitual attire of upper-class women. So to distinguish themeselves from the kisaeng, they began to abandon these elaborate hairstyles in favor of traditional ceremonial hoods (Nel-ul-a thin black women's hood) and coronets (Suegaechima). This supposed reaction to the abuse of the Kache by the kisaeng still remained influenced by the kisaeng still remained influence by the kisaeng, however, as these headdresses became adorned with many more jewels and decorations, in imitation of the kisaeng's adaptations of the coronet. At the same time, noblewomen began sporting the Jangwue ; a headdress previously worn only by kisaeng and lower class women, and lower class women were then permitted to wear the Kache at weddings. All women behan to wear shorter, tighter Jogori jackets, and to add volume to their skirts. They also attached frills to their under-garments in imitation of the kisaeng's exposed petticoats and pantaloons. The impact of kisaeng fashions was thus deep and widespread, and can be understood as an expression of women's longing for freedom from socioeconomic constraints in the late Chosun dynasty. This study adopts an interdisciplinary ap-proach to the understanding of historical changes in women's fashions. Such interdisciplinary work can greatly enrich the study of fashion, often narrowly focused on clothing morphology and broad generalizations about society. For this reason, specific dynamics of feminine psychology in the late Chosun dynasty were elaborated in this study, to provide a deeper under-standing of the changes in fashion underpinned by them. If more such detailed analyses are undertaken, a whole new understanding of changes in fashion can be generated, and perhaps a transformation of the field of fashion history can be ultimately achieved.