• 한국문헌정보학회지
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• 제24권
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• pp.289-332
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• 1993

In china, six bibliographies of offical historical books are evaluated at the most important things among the systematically-editing bibliographies. These bibliographies would be usful to study the orign of classical sciences and their development, bibliographic research of Chinese classics, bibliographic judgement on genuine books, titles, authors, volumes. They could be refered to research into graving, correcting, and existence of ancient books. therefore, these bibliographies would be applied to estimation the phase of scientific and cultural development. The study of these bibliographies has been not yet made in Korea. This thesis lays its importance on the background of their appearance, their classification norms, organizing system of their catalogue, and comparison between their difference. 1. Editing and compiling of Chilyak (칠약) by Liu Chin (유흠) and official histories played an important role of entering an apperance of historical book's bibliographies. Chilyak has been lost. However, its classification and compiling system of classical books would be traced by Hansoyemunji(한서예문지) of which basic system is similar to Chilyak. It classified books according to their scientific characteristic. If a few books didn't have their own categories, they were combined by the circles parallel to the books' characteristic. With the books classified under the same scientific characteristic, they were again divided into the scientific schools or structures. It also arranged the same kinds of books according to the chronology. The some books wi th duplicate subjects were classified multiplely by their duplicate subject. 2. Ssu-ma Chon's (사마천) The Historical Records (Saki, 사기) and Pan Ku's (반고) The History of the Former Han Dynasty (Hanso, 한서) has also took effects on appearance of historical books' bibliographies. Covering overall history, Saki was structured by the five parts: The basic annals(본기), the chronological tables (표), the documents (서), the hereditary houses (세가), biographies (열전). The basic annals dealt with kings and courts' affairs according to the chronology. The chronological tables was the records of the annals. The documents described overall the social and cultural systems. The hereditary houses recorded courts' meritorious officials and public figures. The biographies showed exemplars of seventy peoples selected by their social status. Pan Ku(반구)'s The History of the Former Han Dynasty(한서) deserved to be called the prototype for the offical histories after Saki's (사기; The Historical Records) apperance. Although it modelled on Saki, it had set up its own cataloguing system. It was organized by four parts; the basic annals (본기), the chronological tables (표), treatises(지), biographies (열전). The documents in the Hanso(한서) was converted into treatises(지). The hereditary houses and biographies were merged. For the first time, the treatise with The Yemunji could operate function for historical bibliographies. 3. There were six historical bibliographies: Hansoyemunji(한서예문지), Susokyongjeokji (수서경적지), Kudangsokyongjeokji(구당서경적지), Shindangsoyemunji (신당서예문지), Songsayemunji (송사예문지), Myongsayemunji (명사예문지). 1) Modelling on Liu Chin's Chilyak except Chipryak(집략), Hansoyemunji divided the characteristic of the books and documents into six parts: Yukrye(육예), Cheja(제자), Shibu(시부), Pyongsoh(병서), Susul(수술), Pangki(방기). Under six parts, there were thirty eight orders in Hansoyemunji. To its own classification, Hansoyemunji applied the Chilyak's theory of classification that the books or documents were managed according to characteristic of sciences, the difference of schools, the organization of sentences. However the overlapped subjects were deleted and unified into one. The books included into an unsuitable subject were corrected and converted into another. The Hansoyemunji consisted of main preface (Taesoh 대서), minor preface (Sosoh 소서) , the general preface (Chongso 총서). It also recorded the introduction of books and documents, the origin of sciences, the outline of subjects, and the establishment of orders. The books classified by the subject had title, author, and volumes. They were rearranged by titles and the chronological publication year. Sometimes author was the first access point to catalogue the books. If it was necessary for the books to take footnotes, detail notes were formed. The Volume number written consecutively to order and subject could clarify the quantity of books. 2) Refering to Classfication System by Seven Norms (칠분법) and Classification System by Four Norms(사분법), Susokyongjeokji(수서경적지) had accomplished the classification by four norms. In fact, its classification largely imitated Wanhyosoh(완효서)'s Chilrok(칠록), Susokyongjeokji's system of classification consisted of four parts-Kyung(경), Sa(사), Cha(자), Chip(칩). The four parts were divided into 40 orders. Its appendix was again divided into two parts, Buddihism and Taiosm. Under the two parts there were fifteen orders. Totally Susokyongjeokji was made of six parts and fifty five orders. In comparison with Hansoyemunji(한서예문지), it clearly showed the conception of Kyung, Sa, Cha, Chip. Especially it deserved to be paid attention that Hansoyemunji laied history off Chunchu(춘추) and removed history to Sabu(사부). However Chabu(사부) put many contrary subjects such as Cheja(제자), Kiye(기예), Sulsu(술수), Sosol(소설) into the same boundary, which committed errors insufficient theoretical basis. Anothor demerit of Susokyongjeokji was that it dealt with Taiosm scriptures and Buddism scriptures at the appendix because they were considered as quasi-religion. Its compilation of bibliographical facts consisted of main preface(Taesoh 대서), minor preface(Sosoh 소서), general preface (Chongsoh 총서), postscript (Husoh 후서). Its bibliological facts mainly focused on the titles. Its recorded authors' birth date and their position. It wrote the lost and existence of books consecutive to total number of books, which revealed total of the lost books in Su Dynasty. 3) Modelling on the basis of Kokumsorok(고분서록) and Naewaekyongrok(내외경록), Kudangsokyongjeokji(구당서경적지) had four parts and fourty five orders. It was estimated as the important role of establishing basic frame of classification by four norms in classification theory's history. However it had also its own limit. Editing and compling orders of Kudangsokyongjeokji had been not progressively changed. Its orders imitated by and large Susokyongjeokji. In Its system of organizing catalogue, with its minor preface and general preface deleting, Kudangsokyongjeokji by titles after orders sometimes broke out confusion because of unclear boundaries between orders. 4) Shindangsoyemunji(신당서예문지), adding 28,469 books to Kudangsokyongjeokji, recorded 82,384 books which were divided by four parts and fourty four orders. In comparison with Kudangkyongjeokj, Sindangsoyemunji corrected unclear order's norm. It merged the analogical norms four orders (for instance, Kohun 고훈 and Sohakryu 소학류) and seperated the different norms four orders (for example, Hyokyong 효경 and Noneuhryu 논어류, Chamwi 참위 and Kyonghaeryu 경해류, Pyonryon 편년 and Wisaryu 위사류). Recording kings' behaviors and speeches (Kikochuryu 기거주류) in the historical parts induced the concept of specfication category. For the first time, part of Chipbu (집부) set up the order of classification norm for historical and literatural books and documents (Munsaryu 문사류). Its editing and compiling had been more simplified than Kudangsokyongjeokji. Introduction was written at first part of bibliographies. Appendants except bibliographic items such subject, author, title, volume number, total were omitted. 5) Songsayemunji(송사예문지) were edited in the basis of combining Puksong(북송) and Namsong(남송), depending on Sabukuksayemunji(사부국사예문지). Generally Songsayemunji had lost a lot of bibliographical facts of many books. They were duplicated and wrongly classified books because it committed an error of the incorrectly annalistic editing. Particularly Namsong showed more open these defaults. Songsayemunji didin't include the books published since the king Youngchong(영종). Its system of classification was more better controlled. Chamwiryu(참위류) in the part of Kyongbu(경부) was omitted. In the part of history(Sabu 사부), recordings of kings' behaviors and speeches more merged in the annals. Historical abstract documents (Sachoryu 사초류) were seperately arranged. In the part of Chabu(자부), Myongdangkyongmaekryu(명당경맥류) and Euisulryu(의술류) were combined. Ohangryu(오행류) were laied off Shikuryu(시구류). In the part of Chipbu(집부), historical and literatural books (Munsaryu 문사류) were independentely arranged. There were the renamed orders; from Wisa(위사) to Paesa(패사), Chapsa (잡사) to Pyolsa(열사), Chapchonki(잡전기) to Chonki(전기), Ryusoh(류서) to Ryusa(류서). Introduction had only main preface. The books of each subject catalogued by title, the volume number, and author and arranged mainly by authors. Annotations were written consecutively after title and the volume number. In the afternote the number of not-treated books were revealed. Difference from Singdangsohyemunji(신당서예문지) were that the concept and boundary of orders became more clearer. It also wrote the number of books consecutive to main subject. 6) Modelling on Chonkyongdangsomok (경당서목), Myongsayemunji(명사예문지) was compiled in the basis of books and documents published in the Ming Danasty. In classification system, Myongsayemunji partly merged and the seperated some orders for it. It also deleted and renamed some of orders. In case of necessity, combining of orders' norm was occured particulary in the part of Sabu(사부) and Chabu(자부). Therefore these merging of orders norm didn't offer sufficient theretical background. For example, such demerits were seen in the case that historical books edited by annals were combined with offical historical ones which were differently compiled and edited from the former. In the part of Chabu(자부), it broke out another confusion that Pubga(법가), Meongga(명가), Mukga(묵가), Chonghweongka's(종횡가) thoughts were classified in the Chapka(잡가). Scriptures of Taiosim and Buddhism were seperated from each other. There were some deleted books such as Mokrokryu(목록류), Paesaryu(패사류) in the part of history (Sabu 사부) and Chosaryu(초사류) in the part of Chipbu(집부). The some in the each orders had been renamed. Imitating compiling system of Songsayemunji(송사예문지), with reffering to its differ-ence, Myongsayemunji(명사예문지) wrote the review and the change of the books by author. The number of not-treated books didn't appear at the total. It also deleted the total following main subject.

• 한국수학교육학회지시리즈A:수학교육
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• 제24권2호
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• pp.48-73
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• 1986

Though the tradition of Korean mathematics since the ancient time up to the 'Enlightenment Period' in the late 19th century had been under the influence of the Chinese mathematics, it strove to develop its own independent of Chinese. However, the fact that it couldn't succeed to form the independent Korean mathematics in spite of many chances under the reign of Kings Sejong, Youngjo, and Joungjo was mainly due to the use of Chinese characters by Koreans. Han-gul (Korean characters) invented by King Sejong had not been used widely as it was called and despised Un-mun and Koreans still used Chinese characters as the only 'true letters' (Jin-suh). The correlation between characters and culture was such that, if Koreans used Han-gul as their official letters, we may have different picture of Korean mathematics. It is quite interesting to note that the mathematics in the 'Enlightenment Period' changed rather smoothly into the Western mathematics at the time when Han-gul was used officially with Chinese characters. In Koryo, the mathematics existed only as a part of the Confucian refinement, not as the object of sincere study. The mathematics in Koryo inherited that of the Unified Shilla without any remarkable development of its own, and the mathematicians were the Inner Officials isolated from the outside world who maintained their positions as specialists amid the turbulence of political changes. They formed a kind of Guild, their posts becoming patrimony. The mathematics in Koryo significant in that they paved the way for that of Chosun through a few books of mathematics such as 'Sanhak-Kyemong', 'Yanghwi-Sanpup' and 'Sangmyung-Sanpup'. King Sejong was quite phenomenal in his policy of promotion of mathematics. King himself was deeply interested in the study, createing an atmosphere in which all the high ranking officials and scholars highly valued mathematics. The sudden development of mathematic culture was mainly due to the personality and capacity of king who took anyone with the mathematic talent into government service regardless of his birth and against the strong opposition of the conservative officials. However, King's view of mathematics never resulted in the true development of mathematics perse and he used it only as an official technique in the tradition way. Korean mathematics in King Sejong's reign was based upon both the natural philosophy in China and the unique geo-political reality of Korean peninsula. The reason why the mathematic culture failed to develop continually against those social background was that the mathematicians were not allowed to play the vital role in that culture, they being only the instrument for the personality or politics of the king. While the learned scholar class sometimes played the important role for the development of the mathematic culture, they often as not became an adamant barrier to it. As the society in Chosun needed the function of mathematics acutely, the mathematicians formed the settled class called Jung-in (Middle-Man). Jung-in was a unique class in Chosun and we can't find its equivalent in China or Japan. These Jung-in mathematician officials lacked tendency to publish their study, since their society was strictly exclusive and their knowledge was very limited. Though they were relatively low class, these mathematicians played very important role in Chosun society. In 'Sil-Hak (the Practical Learning) period' which began in the late 16th century, especially in the reigns of Kings Youngjo and Jungjo, which was called the Renaissance of Chosun, the ambitious policy for the development of science and technology called for. the rapid increase of he number of such technocrats as mathematics, astronomy and medicine. Amid these social changes, the Jung-in mathematicians inevitably became quite ambitious and proud. They tried to explore deeply into mathematics perse beyond the narrow limit of knowledge required for their office. Thus, in this period the mathematics developed rapidly, undergoing very important changes. The characteristic features of the mathematics in this period were: Jung-in mathematicians' active study an publication, the mathematic studies by the renowned scholars of Sil-Hak, joint works by these two classes, their approach to the Western mathematics and their effort to develop Korean mathematics. Toward the 'Enlightenment Period' in the late 19th century, the Western mathematics experienced great difficulty to take its roots in the Peninsula which had been under the strong influence of Confucian ideology and traditional Korean mathematic system. However, with King Kojong's ordinance in 1895, the traditional Korean mathematics influenced by Chinese disappeared from the history of Korean mathematics, as the school system was hanged into the Western style and the Western mathematics was adopted as the only mathematics to be taught at the Schools of various levels. Thus the 'Enlightenment Period' is the period in which Korean mathematics shifted from Chinese into European.

• 한국수학사학회지
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.91-105
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• 1985

Though the tradition of Korean mathematics since the ancient time up to the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century had been under the influence of the Chinese mathematics, it strove to develop its own independent of Chinese. However, the fact that it couldn't succeed to form the independent Korean mathematics in spite of many chances under the reign of Kings Sejong, Youngjo, and Joungjo was mainly due to the use of Chinese characters by Koreans. Han-gul (Korean characters) invented by King Sejong had not been used widely as it was called and despised Un-mun and Koreans still used Chinese characters as the only "true letters" (Jin-suh). The correlation between characters and culture was such that , if Koreans used Han-gul as their official letters, we may have different picture of Korean mathematics. It is quite interesting to note that the mathematics in the "Enlightenment Period" changed rather smoothly into the Western mathematics at the time when Han-gul was used officially with Chinese characters. In Koryo, the mathematics existed only as a part of the Confucian refinement, not as the object of sincere study. The mathematics in Koryo inherited that of the Unified Shilla without any remarkable development of its own, and the mathematicians were the Inner Officials isolated from the outside world who maintained their positions as specialists amid the turbulence of political changes. They formed a kind of Guild, their posts becoming patrimony. The mathematics in Koryo is significant in that they paved the way for that of Chosun through a few books of mathematics such as "Sanhak-Kyemong, "Yanghwi - Sanpup" and "Sangmyung-Sanpup." King Sejong was quite phenomenal in his policy of promotion of mathematics. King himself was deeply interested in the study, createing an atmosphere in which all the high ranking officials and scholars highly valued mathematics. The sudden development of mathematic culture was mainly due to the personality and capacity of King who took any one with the mathematic talent onto government service regardless of his birth and against the strong opposition of the conservative officials. However, King's view of mathematics never resulted in the true development of mathematics per se and he used it only as an official technique in the tradition way. Korean mathematics in King Sejong's reign was based upon both the natural philosophy in China and the unique geo-political reality of Korean peninsula. The reason why the mathematic culture failed to develop continually against those social background was that the mathematicians were not allowed to play the vital role in that culture, they being only the instrument for the personality or politics of the King. While the learned scholar class sometimes played the important role for the development of the mathematic culture, they often as not became an adamant barrier to it. As the society in Chosun needed the function of mathematics acutely, the mathematicians formed the settled class called Jung-in (Middle-Man). Jung-in was a unique class in Chosun and we can't find its equivalent in China of Japan. These Jung-in mathematician officials lacked tendency to publish their study, since their society was strictly exclusive and their knowledge was very limited. Though they were relatively low class, these mathematicians played very important role in Chosun society. In "Sil-Hak (the Practical Learning) period" which began in the late 16th century, especially in the reigns of King Youngjo and Jungjo, which was called the Renaissance of Chosun, the ambitious policy for the development of science and technology called for the rapid increase of the number of such technocrats as mathematicians inevitably became quite ambitious and proud. They tried to explore deeply into mathematics per se beyond the narrow limit of knowledge required for their office. Thus, in this period the mathematics developed rapidly, undergoing very important changes. The characteristic features of the mathematics in this period were: Jung-in mathematicians' active study an publication, the mathematic studies by the renowned scholars of Sil-Hak, joint works by these two classes, their approach to the Western mathematics and their effort to develop Korean mathematics. Toward the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century, the Western mathematics experienced great difficulty to take its roots in the Peninsula which had been under the strong influence of Confucian ideology and traditional Korean mathematic system. However, with King Kojong's ordinance in 1895, the traditonal Korean mathematics influenced by Chinese disappeared from the history of Korean mathematics, as the school system was changed into the Western style and the Western matehmatics was adopted as the only mathematics to be taught at the schools of various levels. Thus the "Enlightenment Period" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.od" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.pean.

• 산경연구논집
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.7-16
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• 2012

Despite the enforcement of SSM control laws such as 'the Law of Developing the Distribution Industry (LDDI)' and 'the Law of Promoting Mutual Cooperation between Large and Small/medium Enterprises (LPMC)' stipulating the business adjustment system, the number of super-supermarkets (SSMs) has ever been expanding in Korea. In France, however, Super Centers are being regulated most strongly and directly in the whole Europe viewing that there is not a single SSM in Paris, which is emphasized to be the outcome from French government's regulation exerted on the opening of large scale retail stores. In France, the authority to approve store opening is deeply centralized and the store opening regulation is a socio-economic regulation driven by economic laws whereas EU strongly regulates the distribution industry. To control the French distribution industry, such seven laws and regulations as Commission départementale d'urbanisme commercial guidelines (CDLIC) (1969), the Royer Law (1973), the Doubin Law (1990), the Sapin Law (1993), the Raffarin Law (1996), solidarite et renouvellement urbains (SRU) (2000), and Loi de modernisation de l'économie (LME) (2009) have been promulgated one by one since the amendment of the Fontanet guidelines, through which commercial adjustment laws and regulations have been complemented and reinforced while regulatory measures have been taken. Even in the course of forming such strong regulatory laws, InterMarche, the largest supermarket chain in France, has been in existence as a global enterprise specialized in retail distribution with over 4,000 stores in Europe. InterMarche's business can be divided largely into two segments of food and non-food. As a supermarket chain, InterMarche's food segment has 2,300 stores in Europe and as a hard-discounter store chain in France, Netto has 420 stores. Restaumarch is a chain of traditional family restaurants and the steak house restaurant chain of Poivre Rouge has 4 restaurants currently. In addition, there are others like Ecomarche which is a supermarket chain for small and medium cities. In the non-food segment, the DIY and gardening chain of Bricomarche has a total of 620 stores in Europe. And the car-related chain of Roady has a total of 158 stores in Europe. There is the clothing chain of Veti as well. In view of InterMarche's management strategies, since its distribution strategy is to sell goods at cheap prices, buying goods cheap only is not enough. In other words, in order to sell goods cheap, it is all important to buy goods cheap, manage them cheap, systemize them cheap, and transport them cheap. In quality assurance, InterMarche has guaranteed the purchase safety for consumers by providing its own private brand products. InterMarche has 90 private brands of its own, thus being the retailer with the largest number of distributor brands in France. In view of its IT service strategy, InterMarche is utilizing a high performance IT system so as to obtainas much of the market information as possible and also to find out the best locations for opening stores. In its global expansion strategy of international alliance, InterMarche has established the ALDIS group together with the distribution enterprises of both Spain and Germany in order to expand its food purchase, whereas in the non-food segment, it has established the ARENA group in alliance with 11 international distribution enterprises. Such strategies of InterMarche have been intended to find out the consumer needs for both price and quality of goods and to secure the purchase and supply networks which are closely localized. It is necessary to cope promptly with the constantly changing circumstances through being unified with relevant regions and by providing diversified customer services as well. In view of the InterMarche's positive policy for promoting local partnerships as well as the assistance for enhancing the local economic structure, implications are existing for those retail distributors of our country.

• 한국재난정보학회 논문집
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• 제11권4호
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• pp.556-569
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• 2015

국민의 75%가 정부의 재난관리 정책을 비판하는 등 세월호 참사와 같은 대형 재난 관리실패는 정부 불신을 초래하고 있다. 세월호 참사와 같은 재난이 다시 발생하지 않도록 재난안전에 있어 골든타임 확보가 중요하며, 주민의 가장 가까운 곳에 위치한 경찰의 재난 위기관리 능력 개선이 필요하다. 재난 안전 역시 경찰 임무의 본질로서 다음과 같이 국가위기관리 단계별로 경찰의 재난안전 관리 시스템의 강화가 필요하다. 첫째, 예방단계에서는 과거 다중운집행사의 경우 수익성 행사의 경우 경찰력을 투입하지 않았으나, 앞으로는 기준을 수익성이 아닌 위험성 여부로 판단해야 한다. 그동안 교통 소통이 우선이었으나 안전 중심으로 교통 정책의 패러다임을 전화하고, 대형 사고를 예방하기 위해 수사 경찰은 비정상적 관행과 건축불법 하도급을 근절하며, 정보 경찰은 '안전'이라는 주제에 대한 정보 수집을 강화해야 한다. 둘째, 대비단계와 관련 최근 경찰관 대상 설문 조사 결과 경찰관의 72%는 안전관리와 경찰이 업무연관성이 없다고 응답하는 등 재난안전에 대한 인식도 개선이 시급하므로 재난 안전 교육 훈련을 강화해야 한다. 위기상황에 대한 민간 자원을 활용할 수 있도록 민 관 경재난 안전 네트워크를 구축해야 한다. 셋째, 대응단계에서 신속한 초동 대응을 위해 재난 통신망을 일원화하고, 경찰기관 상황실에 실시간 영상정보망을 도입해야 하며, 넷째, 복구단계에서는 2차 피해를 최소화하기 위한 복구지원팀을 운영해야 한다.

• 대한지구과학교육학회지
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• 제9권2호
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• pp.199-216
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• 2016

이 연구의 목적은 과학영재를 위한 개별화 교육과정 및 프로그램의 필요성에 관해 과학영재교육 담당 교사들은 어느 정도 인식하고 있는지를 과학영재 교육기관의 현실에 비추어 심층적으로 탐색하여 문제점들을 짚어보고, 이를 기반으로 하여 앞으로 보다 적극적인 과학영재 개별화 교육과정 및 프로그램의 적용 가능한 방향에 관해 시사점을 도출하는 것이다. 연구 참여자는 과학영재를 지도한 경험이 있고, 영재교육 혹은 과학교과교육 분야로 학위를 가지고 있는 현직 교사를 중심으로 15명을 섭외하여 심층 면담하였다. 연구 결과, 연구 참여자 대부분은 과학영재교육에 있어 이상적인 영재교육은 학생의 성향에 따른 개인적 요구를 이해해야 하고, 학생이 스스로 주도하는 연구방향이어야 한다는 내용으로 개별화 교육의 필요성을 인식하고 있었다. 과학영재 개별화 교육과 관련한 과학영재교육 기관 운영의 문제점으로 교사들은 재정적 지원의 감소를 가장 큰 문제로 들었으며, 교사의 소명의식 및 전문성이 매우 중요한 요소로 언급되었다. 시간, 장소의 제약과 함께 대학입시와 관련된 교육환경의 영향도 무시할 수 없다는 의견이 많았다. 영재교육기관 및 대상자의 과도한 확대와 표준화 된 측정 도구 및 프로그램이 없다는 것, 교사의 일관된 관찰 시스템이 부족하다는 의견도 많았다. 또한, 영재교육기관들의 획일화된 교육과정이 문제점으로 지적되었고, 이미 진행되고 있는 개별화 교육프로그램도 단점이 많고 미미하게 진행되고 있음을 지적하였다. 이에 따라 앞으로 과학영재 개별화 교육을 적용하기 위한 방향으로 교사들은 최적화 된 교육환경과 일관된 정책적 지원을 요구하였으며, 교사의 지속적 관찰이 가능한 시스템이 필요하다는 의견을 피력하였다. 또, 학생 요구에 부합하는 교육과정과 프로그램이 가장 우선시 되어야하며, 협동학습 내에서의 동료학습이 개별화 교육의 대안이 될 수 있다는 응답도 있었다. 이와 함께 개별화 교육에 따른 열등감을 극복하기 위한 처치가 뒤 따라야 한다는 의견도 많았다.

• 한국지하수토양환경학회지:지하수토양환경
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• 제6권3호
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• pp.53-59
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• 2001

비위생 매립지를 정비하는 방법은 여러 가지 공법이 있으나, 지중에 투수성이 매우 낮은 물질을 설치하여 폐기물과 오염된 지하수를 가두고 외부지역의 지하수가 유입되는 것을 차단하는 목적으로 심층혼합차수공법 형태의 연직 차수벽이 많이 설치된다. 국내에서 일반적으로 많이 사용되고 있는 심층혼합 차수공법의 차수재료는 특수시멘트 계열의 고화재를 많이 사용하고 있으며, 이때 고화재 투입량은 차수재의 법적 설치기준인 투수계수가 1.0x$10^{7}$cm/sec 이하이어야 하므로 현장토의 여건에 따라 달라지게 된다. 본 연구에서는 흙의 통일분류법상 SW-SC로 분류된 현장토를 대상으로 고화재를 활용한 혼합 차수벽 형성에서의 적정 고화재 투입량 및 최적 함수비를 결정하고 고화재를 개량할 수 있는 물질로서 비산재와 석회를 선정하여 적절한 혼합비로 고화재에 첨가함으로써 혼합 차수재의 기능 향상에 대한 방안을 검토하였다. 연구결과, 심층 혼합 차수공법에서 차수재의 고화재 적정 배합비율은 투수계수 실험을 통하여 13%가 적절한 것으로 나타났으며, 이 때 시공성을 용이하게 하기 위한 배합수비는 고화재 : 물의 비가 1 : 1.5가 적절한 것으로 나타났다. 이와 같이 도출된 기본적인 배합비를 기준으로 비산재와 석회를 첨가한 혼합 차수재의 강도와 투수능을 평가한 결과, 고화재(시멘트) 대신 첨가재(비산재:석회 = 70:30)를 20~40% 정도 첨가하여 사용한다면 고화재만을 사용하는 경우보다 더 낮은 투수능을 보임을 알 수 있었다. 혼합 차수재의 중금속 고정능 평가에서는 고화재(시멘트)만을 혼합할 때와 상응하는 중금속 고정능력이 있었으며, 환경적 위해성 평가를 위한 중금속 용출 실험에서도 용출농도는 규제치 이하임을 알 수 있었다.의 값이 모두 광릉이 높고 남산이 낮은(mesh size 1.7mm>광릉 mesh size 0.4 mm>남산 mesh size 1.7 mm) 일관된 경향을 나타냈다. 이는 날개응애 군집의 종 다양성은 광릉지역이 남산지역에 비해 더 높다는 결론을 도출할 수 있는 것이었다. 낙엽주머니내 출현종의 우점종과 출현빈도 분석결과, 각 조사구의 우점종들은 전체 밀도의 70%이상을 차지하고 있어 비중이 매우 높은 것들로 나타났고, 최고 우점종은 mesh size 1.7mm의 남산과 광릉 조사구에서 Tricho-galumna nipponica로 동일했고, 광릉 mesh size 0.4 mm에서는 이 종보다 크기가 작은 Ramusella sengbuschi가 최고 우점종이었다. 그리고 낙엽주머니내에 밀도와 출현빈도가 높아 낙엽분해에 직,간접적으로 크게 관여하는 날개응애 종들로는 Tricogalumna nipponica, Epidamaeus coreanus, Scheloribates latipes, Ceratozetes japonicus, Ramusella sengbuschi, Eohypochthonius crassisetiger, Cultroribula lata 등을 선발할 수 있었다.X>$_4$$^{2－}$ 및 HCO$_3$$^{-}$ 각각의 관계에 의하면. 남부지역과 서북부지역 얘서 모두 염수의 영향을 받고 있는 것으로 나타난다.worm by topical aprication. 3. There is an increase of cocoon yield in both chemical treatments. It was resulted from increase of weight of

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• 제30권3호
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• pp.585-598
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• 1997

Background : Although there are growing concerns about the adverse health effect of air pollution, not much evidence on health effect of current air pollution level had been accumulated yet in Korea. This study was designed to evaluate the chronic health effect of ai. pollution using Korean Medical Insurance Corporation (KMIC) data and air quality data. Medical insurance data in Korea have some drawback in accuracy, but they do have some strength especially in their national coverage, in having unified ID system and individual information which enables various data linkage and chronic health effect study. Method : This study utilized the data of Korean Environmental Surveillance System Study (Surveillance Study), which consist of asthma, acute bronchitis, chronic obstructive pulmonary diseases (COPD), cardiovascular diseases (congestive heart failure and ischemic heart disease), all cancers, accidents and congenital anomaly, i. e., mainly potential environmental diseases. We reconstructed a nested case-control study wit5h Surveillance Study data and air pollution data in Korea. Among 1,037,210 insured who completed? questionnaire and physical examination in 1992, disease free (for chronic respiratory disease and cancer) persons, between the age of 35-64 with smoking status information were selected to reconstruct cohort of 564,991 persons. The cohort was followed-up to 1995 (1992-5) and the subjects who had the diseases in Surveillance Study were selected. Finally, the patients, with address information and available air pollution data, left to be 'final subjects' Cases were defined to all lung cancer cases (424) and COPD admission cases (89), while control groups are determined to all other patients than two case groups among 'final subjects'. That is, cases are putative chronic environmental diseases, while controls are mainly acute environmental diseases. for exposure, Air quality data in 73 monitoring sites between 1991 - 1993 were analyzed to surrogate air pollution exposure level of located areas (58 areas). Five major air pollutants data, TSP, $O_3,\;SO_2$, CO, NOx was available and the area means were applied to the residents of the local area. 3-year arithmetic mean value, the counts of days violating both long-term and shot-term standards during the period were used as indices of exposure. Multiple logistic regression model was applied. All analyses were performed adjusting for current and past smoking history, age, gender. Results : Plain arithmetic means of pollutants level did not succeed in revealing any relation to the risk of lung cancer or COPD, while the cumulative counts of non-at-tainment days did. All pollutants indices failed to show significant positive findings with COPD excess. Lung cancer risks were significantly and consistently associated with the increase of $O_3$ and CO exceedance counts (to corrected error level -0.017) and less strongly and consistently with $SO_2$ and TSP. $SO_2$ and TSP showed weaker and less consistent relationship. $O_3$ and CO were estimated to increase the risks of lung cancer by 2.04 and 1.46 respectively, the maximal probable risks, derived from comparing more polluted area (95%) with cleaner area (5%). Conclusions : Although not decisive due to potential misclassication of exposure, these results wert drawn by relatively conservative interpretation, and could be used as an evidence of chronic health effect especially for lung cancer. $O_3$ might be a candidate for promoter of lung cancer, while CO should be considered as surrogated measure of motor vehicle emissions. The control selection in this study could have been less appropriate for COPD, and further evaluation with another setting might be necessary.

• 한국전통조경학회지
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• 제40권2호
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• pp.34-43
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• 2022

본 연구는 역사상 상호 지정학적·문화적 영향관계 속에서 발전해 온 중국과 베트남의 문화유산 특성을 비교한 결과 다음과 같은 결론을 얻었다. 첫째, 중국과 베트남의 문화유산 정의는 양국이 유사한 의미를 지닌다. 문화유산 분류의 경우 양국 모두 무형문화유산의 법적 개념을 유네스코를 통해 본격적으로 도입하게 되면서, 무형문화유산 진흥정책 측면에서 유사성을 지니고 있다. 둘째, 중국은 유형문화유산과 무형문화유산을 관리하는 법이 각각 따로 존재하는 반면, 베트남은 두 유형의 문화유산을 단일 법령에 의해 통합적으로 관리하고 있다. 베트남은 중국에 비해 문화유산 개념의 도입은 늦은 면이 있지만, 체계적인 측면에서는 높은 통합성을 보이고 있다. 셋째, 중국과 베트남의 유산은 모두 등급화가 나타나며, 이는 유산의 유형에 따라 다르게 적용된다. 지정방식은 양국이 수직적 구조를 가지고 단계를 높여가는 유사성을 지니고 있다. 이러한 단계적 검토를 통한 유산의 가치 복원 및 완전성의 보완으로 관광을 통한 유산 향유, 경제적 효과 창출을 통한 전국의 균형적 발전을 꾀하고 있다. 넷째, 문화유산 관리기구는 양국 모두 중앙정부의 관리기관이 존재하지만, 중국의 경우 베트남에 비해 지방정부의 권한이 높은 것으로 확인되었다. 또한, 유형문화유산과 무형문화유산을 통합적인 기관에서 관리하는 베트남과 달리 중국은 무형문화유산을 관장하는 기관이 별도로 존재하였다. 다섯째, 중국은 유산의 보호와 활용을 조화롭게 한 지속가능성에 초점을 맞추어 보존관리 정책을 수립하고 있다. 베트남은 협약의 내용과 정신을 문화유산, 특히 무형문화유산과 경제·사회 전반에 관련된 법률, 프로그램, 프로젝트에 통합하고 이를 발전시키기 위해 노력을 기울이고 있다. 그러나 아직은 선진국의 원조와 국제기구의 영향에 의존하고 있는 실정이다. 여섯째, 중국과 베트남은 유형문화유산 중심의 문화유산 보호정책에서 벗어나 현재는 근래 도입한 무형문화유산에 관심을 기울이고 있다. 또한, 문화유산을 통해 국민을 결집시키고 국가의 통일된 정책 목표를 달성하고자 한다. 양국은 무형문화유산을 지역 공동체나 지역을 보존하는 효율적 보존 수단으로 활용할 필요가 있다. 무형문화유산의 구성요소를 하나의 단위로 통합할 수 있는 각 주체별 문화유산 보존 네트워크를 구축하여 국민들의 향유 기반을 마련하여야 한다. 본 연구는 중국과 베트남의 문화유산 체제와 보존관리 현황에 주목해 비교한 연구의 단계로 한계를 지니며 유형별 문화유산 정책의 특성비교는 차후 연구과제로 남긴다.

• 항공우주정책ㆍ법학회지
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• 제27권1호
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• pp.75-101
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• 2012

As the Reublic of Korea revised the Commercial Code including 40 articles of air transport enacted newly on May 23, 2011, so Korea became first legislative examples in the Commercial Code of the developed and developing countries. I would like to explain briefly the main contents of my paper such as (1) history of enacting newly Part VI (air transport) in the Korea's revised commercial law, (2) legal background enacting newly Part VI (air transport) in the Korea's revised commercial law and the problems on the conditions of air transport, (3) every countries' legislative examples on the civil liability of aircraft's operator, (4) unlawful Interference Convention and general risk convention of 2009, (5) main contents and prospects of the revised Commercial Code for the liability of aircraft's operator etc as the followings. Meanwhile as the Aviation Act, Commercial Code and Civil Code in Korea and Japan did not regulated at all the legal basis of solution on the disputes between victims and offender for the amount of compensation for damage due to personal or property damage caused by aircraft accidents in Korea and Japan, so it has been raised many legal problems such as protection of victims, standard of decision in trial in the event of aircraft accident's lawsuit case. But the Korean Revised Commercial Code including Part VI, air transport regulations was passed by the majority resolution of the Korean National Assembly on April 29, 2011 and then the South Korean government proclaimed it on May 23 same year. The Revised Commercial Code enforced into tothe territory of the South Korea from November 24, 2011 after six month of the proclaimed date by the Korean Government. Thus, though Korean Commercial Code regulated concretely and respectively the legal relations on the liability of compensation for damage in the contract of transport by land in it's Part II (commercial activities) and in the contract of transport by sea in its Part V (marine commerce), but the Amended Commercial Act regulated newly 40 articles in it's Part VI (air transport) relating to the air carrier's contract liability on the compensation for damage caused by aircraft accidents in the air passengers and goods transport and aircraft operator's tort liability on compensation for damage caused by the sudden falling or collision of aircraft to third parties on the surface and so it was equipped with reasonable and unified system among the transport by land, marine and air. The ICAO adopted two new air law conventions setting out international compensation and liability rules for damage caused by aircraft to third parties at a diplomatic conference hosted by it from April 20 to May 2, 2009. The fight against the effects of terrorism and the improvement of the status of victims in the event of damage to third parties that may result either from acts of unlawful interference involving aircraft or caused by ordinary operation of aircraft, forms the cornerstone of the two conventions. One legal instrument adopted by the Conference is "the Convention on Compensation for Damage to Third Parties, Resulting from Acts of Unlawful Interference Involving Aircraft" (Unlawful Interference Convention). The other instrument, "the Convention on Compensation for Damage Caused by Aircraft to Third Parties" (General Risk Convention), modernizes the current legal framework provided for under the 1952 Rome Convention and related Protocol of 1978. It is desirable for us to ratify quickly the abovementioned two conventions such as Unlawful Interference Convention and General Risk Convention in order to settle reasonably and justly as well as the protection of the South Korean peoples.