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A Study on 'Seungininsangmu' of Haejugwonbeon (<성인인상무>에 대한 연구)

  • Kim, Young-Hee;Kim, Kyung-Sook
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.35
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    • pp.93-123
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    • 2017
  • The Buddhist dance, which is considered to be the essence of Korean folk dance, has changed and developed over many years, having profound influential relations with Buddhism in terms of its origin, source, title, and costumes. Today the Buddhist dance is performed in two fixed types, Jangsam dance and Buk dance, but it is estimated that there must have been various forms of Buddhist dance during the Japanese rule based on the its historicity and various origination theories. It was around 1940 that Jang Yang-seon, the master of Haejugwonbeon, turned 'Seungininsangmu' into a work through Yang So-woon. The present study analyzed the video of 'Seungininsangmu' performed at the 'Performance in the Memory of Yang So-woon' in 2010, and the analysis results were as follows: first, the dance has a clear message to be delivered in its title and connotes an origination theory of Buddhist dance, which argues that the Buddhist dance was created by a Buddhist that underwent agony and corruption during his ascetic practice and later returned to Buddhism. Secondly, the process of Jangsam dance - Buknori - Bara dance - Heoteun dance - Hoisimgok - Guiui shows the thematic consciousness of the dance clearly in a sequential manner. Finally, the dance was in a form of combining various expressive methods according to the story and its development including the Bara dance, a dance performed in a Buddhist ceremony, the Heoteun dance, which is strongly characterized by individuality and spontaneity that are folk features, and Hoisimgok, the Buddhist music. Those findings indicate that the dance reflected well the flow of putting the Buddhist dance on the stage or turning it into a work in the early 20th century. Compared with the types of Buddhist dance in a strong form including the Jangsam dance and Buk dance, 'Seungininsangmu' conveys the meanings that the original Buddhist dance tried to express in terms of content and reflects on the diversity of combined Akgamu and theatrical elements in terms of form. The present study is significant in that it offers many implications for the Buddhist dance capable of future-oriented development.

Okdong Lee Seo's Li(理)-Qi(氣)Dualism and Its Meaning (옥동(玉洞) 이서(李漵)의 이(理)·기(氣) 대립적(對立的) 사유(思惟) 양식(樣式)과 그 의미(意味))

  • Yoon, Jaehwan
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.49
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    • pp.187-223
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    • 2012
  • This study is planned to research the ways and structue of Okdong's thinking, which are the foundation of his academic world, based on the collection of his literary pieces. This study became interested in Okdong Lee Seo because he with some strong stimulation and shock is considered as the turning point of his family's academic tradition. His family's academic tradition before Okdong had been famous for literatures of its members, such a tradition shifted toward Confucian classical studies. Especially, Okdong was the third elder brother of Seongho Lee Yik who represented the academia of the late Joseon period, and took an important role in forming Seongho's study. Okdong is considered to have built the basic structure of Seongho's study. It seems that in the process he transmitted their family's academic tradition whose focus got shifted from literature to Confucian classical studies. Thus, this study has the basic meaning as elucidation about the fundamental of Okdong's academic world. However, the larger meaning of this study is the verification of the fundamental structure of Seongho's study: Seongho's study stood on Okdong's study but overcame Okdong as an individual, and then became a academic standard of the late Joseon period. When the collection of Okdong's literary pieces is examined, it can be found that Okdong way of thinking rooted in the Confucian theory that human nature is originally good. Especially, Okdong maintained the li-qi dualism in which li and qi conflict against each other. For understanding and elucidating not-completely-good human mind, he understood li and qi within conflicting relationship. Okdong claimed that in order for a man to keep his life humane, the man should recover his moral completeness by cultivating his mind through sincerity and reverence. Okdong's goal was to build society and to realize human nature in accordance with the classical Confucian ideology of filial piety and respect and of loyalty and trust. Here lies the fundamental meaning of Okdong's way of thinking.

Keeping Distance from Pathos and Turning Rational Trade into Emotions -The Change of Genres and the Reorganization of Emotions in the South Korean Films in the 1990s (파토스에의 거리와 합리적 거래의 감성화 -1990년대 한국영화 장르의 변전(變轉)과 감성의 재편)

  • Park, Yu-Hee
    • Journal of Popular Narrative
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    • v.25 no.3
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    • pp.9-40
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    • 2019
  • This study presents an investigation into South Korean films in the 1990s in the aspects of genre change and emotional reorganization. The 1990s witnessed a change of genres and a paradigm shift in the history of Korean films according to the revolutionary changes of the film industry structure and media environment. Believing that these changes had something to do with emotional changes driven by global capitalization symbolized by democratization in 1987 and the foreign currency crisis in 1998, the investigator analyzed the phenomena in film texts and examined the opportunities and context behind them. Unlike previous researches, this study made an approach to the history of Korean films in the 1990s with three points: first, this study focused on why the romantic comedy genre emerged in the 1990s and what stages its formation underwent since there had been no profound discussions about them; secondly, this study analyzed the biggest hits during the transitional period from 1987~1999 to figure out the mainstream genres and emotions during that period since these hits would provide texts to show the genre domain and public taste in a symbolic way; and finally, this study grew out of the separate investigation approach between melodramas and romantic comedies and looked into an emotional structure to encompass both genres to make a more broad and dynamic approach to South Korean films in the 1990s. History flows continuously without severance from previous times. When there is attention paid to inflection points and opportunities in the continuum, it can show the dynamics and structures of changes. This research led to the following conclusions: the mainstream genre of South Korean films had been melodramas until the 1980s. The old convention had been kept to offset or suture contradictions and excessive elements deviant from the structural consistency. Here, the structural consistency refers to no compliance to rational regulations or trade. The process of genre reorganization in the 1990s happened while securing some distance from the convention of making the structural consistency a sacrifice. The direction was to reinforce control through reasonable rationalism and logic of capital. It developed into romance, which would start with comedy to keep distance from the objects through laughter, heighten the level of remarks, and expand criticality, symbolize emotions with taste items, and build through the logic of mutual consensus and practical trade. In the 1990s, the South Korean films thus developed in a direction of moving away from the narrative of urgent pathos based on unconditional familism. It was on the same track as the entry of the South Korean society into the upgraded orbits of democracy and capitalism as the twins of modern rationalism since the latter part of the 1980s.

A Review on Solution Plans for Preventing Environmental Contamination as the Trend Changes of Cryptocurrency (암호화폐의 트랜드 변화에 따른 환경오염 방지 해결방안에 대한 고찰)

  • Kim, Jeong-hun;Song, Sae-hee;Ko, Lim-hwan;Nam, Hak-hyun;Jang, Jae-hyuck;Jung, Hoi-yun;Choi, Hyuck-jae
    • Journal of Venture Innovation
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    • v.5 no.1
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    • pp.91-106
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    • 2022
  • Cryptocurrency, stood out the sharp cost rising of Bitcoin has been spotlighted by means of the solution for stagflation because it is decentralized with an existing currency differently. Especially getting into 4th industrial revolution, technologies using block chain and internet of things have been used in the many fields, and the power of influence is also widespread. Nevertheless like a remark of Elon Musk of Tesla CEO, the problems of environmental contamination for cryptocurrency have been pointed out continuously and the most representative of them is an enormous electric usage as the use of fossil fuels. Also the amount generated of carbon dioxide result in the acceleration of global warming mainly based on the climate changes of earth if the existing mining method is continued. On the other hand, review researches have been conducted restrictively as the connection with environmental contamination as the mining of cryptocurrency. In this study, it intended to review problems for environmental contamination as the diversification of ecological system of cryptocurrency concretely. Upon investigation existing prior documents on the putting recent data first, the mining of cryptocurrency has affected on the environmental contamination conflicting with carbon neutrality as increasement of the electric usage and electronic wastes. And POS method without the mining process appeared, but it had a demerit collapsing a decentralization and then we met turning point on appearing various environmental-friendly cryptocurrency. Finally the appearance of cryptocurrency using new renewable energy acted on the opportunity of the usage maximization of energy storage apparatus and the birth of national government intervention. Based on these results, we mention clearly that hereafter cryptocurrency will regress if not go abreast the value of currency as well as environmental approach.

The Patterns of CH4 and N2O fluxes from used Litter Stockpile from Korean Native Cattle (Hanwoo) (사용한 한우 깔짚에서 배출되는 CH4 및 N2O의 배출 특성)

  • Park, Kyu-Hyun;Choi, Dong-Yoon;Yoo, Yong-Hee
    • Journal of Animal Environmental Science
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    • v.18 no.3
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    • pp.145-150
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    • 2012
  • This study was conducted to measure methane ($CH_4$) and nitrous oxide ($N_2O$) emissions from the 6 month old litter stockpile used for korean native cattle (Hanwoo) from August 3, 2007 to October 4, 2007. Daily mean $CH_4$ emissions was peaked to 273.013 ${\mu}g\;m^{-2}\;s^{-1}$ (SE : ${\pm}1.047{\mu}g\;m^{-2}\;s^{-1}$) on first day and then gradually decreased to 2.309 ${\mu}g\;m^{-2}\;s^{-1}$ (SE : ${\pm}0.061{\mu}g\;m^{-2}\;s^{-1}$) at the end of this experiment. Daily mean $N_2O$ emissions was as little as 0.269 ${\mu}g\;m^{-2}\;s^{-1}$ (SE : ${\pm}0.018{\mu}g\;m^{-2}\;s^{-1}$) on first day, but exponentially increased up to 3.569 ${\mu}g\;m^{-2}\;s^{-1}$ (SE : ${\pm}0.454{\mu}g\;m^{-2}\;s^{-1}$) on 43rd day and then slowly decreased to 1.888 ${\mu}g\;m^{-2}\;s^{-1}$ (SE : ${\pm}0.012{\mu}g\;m^{-2}\;s^{-1}$) at the end of this experiment. Carbon dioxide equivalent ($CO_2$-eq), calculated by global warming potentials of $CH_4$ or $N_2O$, of $CH_4$ on first day occupied approximately 99% of sum of $CO_2$-eq of $CH_4$ and $N_2O$. Methane emissions decreased and $N_2O$ emissions increased so that $CO_2$-eq ratio of $CH_4$ to $N_2O$ was 50:50 on 34th day. The effect of $N_2O$ on the ratio was increase thereafter. The ratio of daily mean $CH_4$ and $N_2O$ emissions to daily error of the mean was calculated to find daily fluctuation of $CH_4$ and $N_2O$ emissions. The ratio of $CH_4$ was less than 1.0% till 11th day but increased to 10.9% on 57th day. The ratio of $N_2O$ (0.4%~51.0%) was higher than that of $CH_4$, showing high in early stage and then gradually decrease, which was different from the pattern of $CH_4$. The ratio of daily mean emissions to daily error of the mean was little in case of active $CH_4$ or $N_2O$ generation period, which would be caused by the temporal and spatial heterogeneity of composting process. Hence more air supply on early stage to decrease $CH_4$ generation and proper turning to reduce spatial heterogeneity are needed to mitigate greenhouse gas emissions.

A study on Operation Rules of Korean Air Defence Identification Zone (한국 방공식별구역 운영규칙에 관한 고찰)

  • Kwon, Jong-Pil;Lee, Yeong H.
    • The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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    • v.32 no.2
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    • pp.189-217
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    • 2017
  • Declaration of Air Defense and Identification Zones started with the United States in 1950, which was followed by declaration of KADIZ by the Republic of Korea in 1951. Initial ADIZ were solely linked with air defense missions, but their roles have changed as nations around the globe manifested a tendency to expand their influence over maritime resources and rights. In particular, China declared ADIZ over the East China Sea in October 2013 and forced all passing aircraft to submit flight plan to ATC or military authority, saying failure of submission will be followed by armed engagement. China announced it would declare another zone over the South China Sea despite the ongoing conflict in the area, clearly showing ADIZ's direct connection with territorial claim and EEZ and that it serves as a zone within which a nation can execute its rights. The expanded KADIZ, which was expanded in Dec 15, 2013 in response to Chinese actions, overlaps with the Chinese ADIZ over the East China Sea and the Japanese ADIZ. The overlapping zone is an airspace over waters where not only the Republic of Korea but also of China and Japan argue to be covering their continental shelf and EEZ. Military conventions were signed to prevent contingencies among the neighboring nations while conducting identifications in KADIZ, including the overlapping zone. If such military conventions and practice of air defense identification continue to be respected among states, it is under the process of turning into a regional customary law, although ADIZ is not yet recognized by international law or customary law. Moreover, identification within ADIZ is carried out by military authorities of states, and misguided customary procedures may cause serious negative consequences for national security since it may negatively impact neighboring countries in marking the maritime border, which calls for formulation of operation rules that account for other state activities and military talks among regional stake holders. Legal frameworks need to be in place to guarantee freedom of flights over international seas which UN Maritime Law protects, and laws regarding military aircraft operation need to be supplemented to not make it a requirement to submit flight plan if the aircraft does not invade sovereign airspace. Organizational instructions that require approval of Chairman of Joint Chiefs of Staff for entrance and exit of ADIZ for military aircraft need to be amended to change the authority to Minister of National Defense or be promoted to a law to be applicable for commercial aircraft. Moreover, in regards to operation and management of ADIZ, transfer of authority should be prohibited to account for its evolution into a regional customary law in South East Asia. In particular, since ADIZ is set over EEZ, military conventions that yield authority related to national security should never be condoned. Among Korea, China, Japan and Russia, there are military conventions that discuss operation and management of ADIZ in place or under negotiation, meaning that ADIZ is becoming a regional customary law in North East Asia region.

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Characteristics of Everyday Movement Represented in Steve Paxton's Works: Focused on Satisfyin' Lover, Bound, Contact at 10th & 2nd- (스티브 팩스톤(Steve Paxton)의 작품에서 나타난 일상적 움직임의 특성에 관한 연구: , , 를 중심으로)

  • KIM, Hyunhee
    • Trans-
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    • v.3
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    • pp.109-135
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    • 2017
  • The purpose of this thesis is to analyze characteristics of everyday movement showed in performances of Steve Paxton. A work of art has been realized as a special object enjoyed by high class people as high culture for a long time. Therefore, a gap between everyday life and art has been greatly existed, and the emergence of everyday elements in a work of art means that public awareness involving social change is changed. The postmodernism as the period when a boundary between art and everyday life is uncertain was a postwar society after the Second World War and a social situation that rapidly changes into a capitalistic society. Changes in this time made scholars gain access academically concepts related to everyday life, and affected artists as the spirit of the times of pluralistic postmodernism refusing totality. At the same period of the time, modern dance also faced a turning point as post-modern dance. After the Second World War, modern dance started to be evaluated as it reaches the limit, and at this juncture, headed by dancers including the Judson Dance Theatre. Acting as a dancer in a dance company of Merce Cunningham, Steve Paxton, one of founders of the Judson Dance Theatre, had a critical mind of the conditions of dance company with the social structure and the process that movement is made. This thinking is showed in early performances as an at tempt to realize everyday motion it self in performances. His early activity represented by a walking motion attracted attention as a simple motion that excludes all artful elements of existing dance performances and is possible to conduct by a person who is not a dancer. Although starting the use of everyday movement is regarded as an open characteristic of post-modern dance, advanced researches on this were rare, so this study started. In addition, studies related to Steve Paxton are skewed towards Contact Improvisation that he rose as an active practician. As the use of ordinary movement before he focused on Contact Improvisation, this study examines other attempts including Contact Improvisation as attempts after the beginning of his performances. Therefore, the study analyzes Satisfyin' Lover, Contact at 10th & 2nd and Bound that are performances of Steve Paxton, and based on this, draws everyday characteristics. In addition, related books, academic essays, dance articles and reviews are consulted to consider a concept related to everyday life and understand dance historical movement of post-modern dance. Paxton attracted attention because of his activity starting at critical approach of movement of existing modern dance. As walking of performers who are not dancers, a walking motion showed in Satisfyin' Lover gave esthetic meaning to everyday movement. After that, he was affected by Eastern ideas, so developed Contact Improvisation making a motion through energy of the natural laws. In addition, he had everyday things on his performances, and used a method to deliver various images by using mundane movement and impromptu gestures originating from relaxed body. Everyday movement of his performances represents change in awareness of performances of the art of dancing that are traditionally maintained including change of dance genre of an area. His activity with unprecedented attempt and experimentation should be highly evaluated as efforts to overcome the limit of modern dance.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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