• 한국음향학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국음향학회 1998년도 학술발표대회 논문집 제17권 1호
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• pp.379-382
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• 1998

이 연구는 서울말과 경상도 말의 고저형(tonal patterns)을 외래어 읽기를 통해 비교해 본 것으로, 두 방언의 고저형에 변수로 작용하는 것이 음절수, 음절 구조(폐음절/개음절), 어두 자음의 성격(phonation type) 등임을 밝혔다. 두 방언은 이런 변수의 작용을 선택적으로 받는데 유형론적으로 비성조 언어인 서울말은 음절수, 어두 자음의 성격이 고저형에 영향을 주며, 성조 언어인 경상도말은 음절수와 음절의 구조가 외래어에 있어서는 고저형 결정에 중요한 역할을 하는 것으로 드러났다.

• 말소리와 음성과학
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• 제10권4호
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• pp.91-99
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• 2018

Korean stops are currently undergoing a tonogenetic sound change, as found in the Seoul dialect in which a merged VOT of aspirated and lax stops induces F0 to be the primary cue for distinguishing the two stops and the lax stops have lower F0 than the aspirated stops. In tonal languages, low tone is produced with a breathy voice. This study investigated whether there are changes in voice quality with respect to the tonogenetic sound change of Korean stops. Two age groups speaking the Seoul dialect participated in this study: five females and six males born in the 1940s and 1950s and nine females and eight males born in the 1980s and 1990s. This study replicated previous findings of VOT and F0 and further examined H1-H2, H1-A1, and H1-A2 to see how they correlate with the sound change. In the older and younger generations, H1-H2, H1-A1, and H1-A2 were significantly lower after the tense stops than after the aspirated and lax stops, but they were not significantly different after the aspirated and lax stops. However, the younger females exhibited some different results for H1-H2 and H1-A2 than the older generation. In the younger females, the H1-H2 mean was higher after the aspirated stops than it was after the lax stops at the vowel onset, and the H1-H2 difference increased at the vowel midpoint. Although there was an inter-speaker variation in the results of H1-H2 and H1-A1, analyses of individual speakers showed that the H1-H2 and H1-A1 were higher after the lax stops than after the aspirated stops in the younger female speakers. These results indicate that lax stops tend to be breathier than aspirated stops in the younger female speakers. They also indicate that changes in voice quality are on Korean stops with tonal sound change, but are still developing.

• 말소리와 음성과학
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• 제5권4호
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• pp.137-143
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• 2013

Recent investigation of acoustic correlates of Korean stop manner contrasts has reported a diachronic transition in Korean stops: young Seoul speakers are relatively more dependent on the F0 characteristics of the stops than on the VOT characteristics in aspirated and lenis stop distinction. This finding has been examined against tonal dialects of Korean and the results suggested that the speakers of tonal dialects are not sharing the transition. These results also suggested that F0 function for segmental stop classification interferes with the function for lexical tone classification in their tonal speech. The current study investigated these findings in terms of perception. Perceptual behavior of Seoul and Busan speakers of Korean was examined in a comparative manner through the measurement of perceptual cue weight of F0 and VOT in particular. The results from regression and correlation analyses revealed that Busan speakers are closer to older Seoul speakers than to younger Seoul speakers in that the cue weight for VOT and F0 were comparable in the aspirated-lenis stop distinction. This result was in contrast to the perceptual behavior of younger Seoul speakers who showed clear dominance of F0 over VOT for the same distinction. These findings provided perceptual evidence of the dual function of F0 for segmental and lexical distinctions in tonal dialects of Korean.

• 음성과학
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• 제13권4호
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• pp.107-126
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• 2006

The aim of this study is to analyze the tonal structures of Korean conjunctive phrases produced by Daegu dialect speakers and show that there are distinctive intonational patterns between dialogic and reading styles. In the experiment, we examined the pitch contour at the edge of conjunctive phrases including '-ko', $'-(i)my{\partial}n'$, $'-(a){\partial}s{\partial}'$, '-(nin)de', '-do' in the base which is made a coordinate and subordinate conjunctive sentence according to the relation of pre-phrase and post-phrase. The results of this study show that '-ko' has L%, $'-(i)my{\partial}n'$ has LH%, $'-(a){\partial}s{\partial}'$ has HL% and '-(nin)de' has LH%, '-do' has LH% in Daegu Dialect. And the results show the conjunctive sentences were about 20% longer when they produced in a dialogic style than in a reading style. The dialogic style has various durations, the duration of the reading style is slower than the dialogic style by a rate of 20%. This suggests that the dialogic style is more dynamic than the reading style, which may be due to the communicative interaction between speakers and listeners.

• 대한음성학회:학술대회논문집
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• 대한음성학회 2007년도 한국음성과학회 공동학술대회 발표논문집
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• pp.3-23
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• 2007

King Sejong the Great, his students in Jip-hyeun-jeon school and Choe Sejin, their successor of the sixteenth century, indicated Middle Korean had three distinctive pitches, low, high, and rising (phyeong-, geo-, sang-sheong). Thanks to $Hun-min-jeng-{\emptyset}eum$ as well as its Annotation and side-dots literatures in fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, we can compare Middle Korean with Hamgyeong dialect, Gyeongsang dialect, and extant tone dialects with joint preservers of what was probably the tonal system of unitary mother Korean language. What is most remarkable about middle Korean phonetic work is its manifest superiority in conception and execution as anything produced in the present day linguistic scholarship. But at this stage in linguistics, prior to the technology and equipment needed for the scientific analysis of sound waves, auditory description was the only possible frame for an accurate and systematic classification. And auditory phonetics still remains fundamental in pitch description, even though modern acoustic categories may supplement and supersede auditory ones in tonological analysis. Auditory phonetics, however, has serious shortcoming that its theory and practice are too subject to be developed into the present century science. With joint researchers, I am developping a new pitch scale. It is a semiautomatic auditory grade pitch analysis program. The result of our labor will give a significant breakthrough to upgrade our component in linguistics.

• 말소리와 음성과학
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• 제6권4호
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• pp.53-65
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• 2014

The current research examines whether pitch contour shapes in North Kyungsang pitch accent contrasts provide a phonetic dimension for phonological discreteness in a mimicry task. Two pitch accent continua resynthesized were created for HH vs. HL and HH vs. LH. To confirm a phonetic dimension for accounting for pitch accent categories in North Kyungsang Korean, the mimicries of speakers of two dialects (i.e., North Kyungsang & South Cholla) were compared. One of the findings showed that, for North Kyungsang speakers, the range of mean f0 peak times was a phonetic dimension undergoing a continuous shift within a stimulus continuum for both HH vs. HL and HH vs. LH. On the other hand, for South Cholla speakers, there were no apparent shifts around categorical boundaries for either HH vs. HL or HH vs. LH. Regarding individual mimicries on f0 peak timing, there are many variations. For HH vs. LH, three North Kyungsang speakers showed a discrete pattern reflecting a shift in phonological categories, but for HH vs. HL, there was no such distinction showing a categorical shift, though there were statistically significant differences for two speakers. Interestingly, one of the North Kyungsang speakers showed a continuous phonetic dimension for both HH vs. HL and HH vs. LH. Lastly, the f0 valley timing did not exhibit a discrete or gradient phonetic dimension for speakers of either dialect. On the basis of these results, what is interesting is that the tonal target such as high tone in North Kyungsang pitch accent categories within the autosegmental-metrical (AM) theory may be realized within individual cognitive systems for representing the interaction of perception and production.

• 대한음성학회:학술대회논문집
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• 대한음성학회 1996년도 10월 학술대회지
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• pp.246-246
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• 1996

Purpose: Some of the properties of the prosodic phrasing and some acoustic and phonological effects of contrastive focus on the tonal pattern of Seoul Korean is explored based on a brief experiment of analyzing the fundamental frequency(=FO) contour of the speech of the author. Data Base and Analysis Procedures: The examples were chosen to contain mostly nasal and liquid consonants, since it is difficult to track down the formants in stops and fricatives during their corresponding consonantal intervals and stops may yield an effect of unwanted increase in the FO value due to their burst into the following vowel. All examples were recorded three times and the spectrum of the most stable repetition was generated, from which the FO contour of each sentence was obtained, the peaks with a value higher than 250Hz being interpreted as a high tone (=H). The result is then discussed within the prosodic hierarchy framework of Selkirk (1986) and compared with the tonal pattern of the Northern Kyungsang dialect of Korean reported in Kenstowicz & Sohn (1996). Prosodic Phrasing: In N.K. Korean, H never appears both on the object and on the verb in a neutral sentence, which indicates the object and the verb form a single Phonological Phrase ($={\phi}$), given that there is only one pitch peak for each $={\phi}$. However, Seoul Korean shows that both the object and the verb have H of their own, indicating that they are not contained in one $={\phi}$. This violates the Optimality constraint of Wrap-XP (=Enclose a lexical head and its arguments in one $={\phi}$), while N.K. Korean obeys the constraint by grouping a VP in a single $={\phi}$. This asymmetry can be resolved through a constraint that favors the separate grouping of each lexical category and is ranked higher than Wrap-XP in Seoul Korean but vice versa in N.K. Korean; $Align-x^{lex}$ (=Align the left edge of a lexical category with that of a $={\phi}$). (1) nuna-ka manll-ll mEk-nIn-ta ('sister-NOM garlic-ACC eat-PRES-DECL') a. (LLH) (LLH) (HLL) ----Seoul Korean b. (LLH) (LLL LHL) ----N.K. Korean Focus and Phrasing: Two major effects of contrastive focus on phonological phrasing are found in Seoul Korean: (a) the peak of an Intonatioanl Phrase (=IP) falls on the focused element; and (b) focus has the effect of deleting all the following prosodic structures. A focused element always attracts the peak of IP, showing an increase of approximately 30Hz compared with the peak of a non-focused IP. When a subject is focused, no H appears either on the object or on the verb and a focused object is never followed by a verb with H. The post-focus deletion of prosodic boundaries is forced through the interaction of StressFocus (=If F is a focus and DF is its semantic domain, the highest prominence in DF will be within F) and Rightmost-IP (=The peak of an IP projects from the rightmost $={\phi}$). First Stress-F requires the peak of IP to fall on the focused element. Then to avoid violating Rightmost-IP, all the boundaries after the focused element should delete, minimizing the number of $={\phi}$'s intervening from the right edge of IP. (2) (omitted) Conclusion: In general, there seems to be no direct alignment constraints between the syntactically focused element and the edge of $={\phi}$ determined in phonology; all the alignment effects come from a single requirement that the peak of IP projects from the rightmost $={\phi}$ as proposed in Truckenbrodt (1995).