• Korean Security Journal
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• no.37
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• pp.83-108
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• 2013

Since the end of the Cold War and rapid globalization and technical developments, terrorist groups actively involved in criminal activities. Also criminal entrepreneurs became a major financial revenue for these terrorists groups. This newly patternized activities among terrorist groups is now called as Crime-Terror Nexus" indicating the changing nature of terrorism, which means two traditionally separate phenomena, crime and terrorism, became more similar. This new pattern of terrorism is considered to create synergy for the criminal organizations and terrorist groups, scholars believe that it would become a significant threat to the security of world community in the near future. Although the phenomenon of this crime-terror nexus is significant and imminent threats, there is lack of studies investigation this new evolution of terrorism with empirical data. Moreover there is literally no studies exploring factors relevant to the Crime-Terror Nexus. Therefore, this current study aims to conduct explorative investigation of factors affecting the "Crime-Terror Nexus" with a world terrorism data, MAROB(the Minorities at Risk Organizational Behavior), which is developed by START and Minority at Risk project and contains information terrorist groups in Middle-East and Africa region. Considering the significance of this new terrorism patterns and the challenging nature of conducting empirical studies on this topic, this study has great contribution on the development in the field of criminal justice as well as terrorism.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.42
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• pp.229-249
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• 2015

As the post-cold war era and globalization go on, national security problems which were not traditional national security problems such as terrorism, crime, environmental disasters, economic crises, cyber-terrorism, diseases, and energy problems threat humanity and nations and demands changes. Also, with the change, the concept of "big government" has emerged as the role of nation expanded. The modern society sees every country change from small government to big government in order to realize the establishment of welfare state. A comprehensive interpretation of security is needed in order to comprehensive protection of citizens beyond outside invasion such as crime, new disaster, terrorism. In Korea, incidents such as Cheonan-Ham, Yeonpeyong-Do, foot-and-mouth disease, Ddos terrorism, pirates hostages, mad cow disease, AI are happening and the humanitarian support for North Korea and the summit of South and North Korea are at a standstill. Also, National emergency management system, comprehensive emergency management center, countrol tower, national security system, cooperation with citizens, establishment of legal and institutional system are needed. The importance of this research is on the reestablishment of new national security and emergency management system according to the comparison between the national security and counter-terrorism system of Korea and that of the United States which is a leading country in this field. Also, the establishment of national emergency management act is needed as a statute for effective function as currently various laws and administrative organizations are dispersed.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.13
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• pp.687-738
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• 2016

To prepare for the complicated international relationship regarding Korean Peninsula after reunification, this thesis started off with the awareness that Unified Korea should build its international posture and national security at an early stage by determining its appropriate military strength for independent defense and military strategies that Unified Korea should aim. The main theme of this thesis is 'The research on appropriate military strength of the Unified Korean military'. To derive appropriate military strength of Unified Korea, this research focuses on conflict scenario and relative balance strategy based on potential threats posed by neighboring countries, and this is the part that differentiates this research from other researches. First of all, the main objective of the research is to decide appropriate military strength for Unified Korea to secure defense sufficiency. For this, this research will decide efficient military strategy that Unified Korea should aim. Than by presuming the most possible military conflict scenario, this research will judge the most appropriate military strength for Unified Korea to overcome the dispute. Second, after deciding appropriate military strength, this research will suggest how to operate presumed military strength in each armed force. The result of this thesis is as in the following. First, Unified Korea should aim 'relative balance strategy'. 'Relative balance strategy' is a military strategy which Unified Korea can independently secure defense sufficiency by maintaining relative balance when conflicts occur between neighboring countries. This strategy deters conflicts in advance by relative balance of power in certain time and place. Even if conflict occurs inevitably, this strategy secures initiative. Second, when analyzing neighboring countries interest and strategic environment after unification, the possibility of all-out war will be low in the Korean Peninsula because no other nation wants the Korean Peninsula to be subordinated to one single country. Therefore appropriate military strength of the Unified Korean military would be enough when Unified Korea can achieve relative balance in regional war or limited war. Third, Northeast Asia is a region where economic power and military strength is concentrated. Despite increasing mutual cooperation in the region, conflicts and competition to expand each countries influence is inherent. Japan is constantly enhancing their military strength as they aim for normal statehood. China is modernizing their military strength as they aspire to become global central nation. Russia is also enhancing their military strength in order to hold on to their past glory of Soviet Union as a world power. As a result, both in quality and quantity, the gap between military strength of Unified Korea and each neighboring countries is enlarged at an alarming rate. Especially in the field of air-sea power, arms race is occurring between each nation. Therefore Unified Korea should be equipped with appropriate military strength in order to achieve relative balance with each threats posed by neighboring countries. Fourth, the most possible conflicts between Unified Korea and neighboring countries could be summarized into four, which are Dokdo territorial dispute with Japan, Leodo jurisdictional dispute with China, territorial dispute concerning northern part of the Korea Peninsula with China and disputes regarding marine resources and sea routes with Russia. Based on those conflict scenarios, appropriate military strength for Unified Korea is as in the following. When conflict occurs with Japan regarding Dokdo, Japan is expected to put JMSDF Escort Flotilla 3, one out of four of its Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force Escort Fleet, which is based in Maizuru and JMSDF Maizuru District. To counterbalance this military strength, Unified Korea needs one task fleet, comprised with three task flotilla. In case of jurisdictional conflict with China concerning Leodo, China is expected to dispatch its North Sea fleet, one out of three of its naval fleet, which is in charge of the Yellow Sea. To response to this military action, Unified Korea needs one task fleet, comprised with three task flotilla. In case of territorial dispute concerning northern part of the Korean Peninsula with China, it is estimated that out of seven Military Region troops, China will dispatch two Military Region troops, including three Army Groups from Shenyang Military Region, where it faces boarder with the Korean Peninsula. To handle with this military strength, Unified Korea needs six corps size ground force strength, including three corps of ground forces, two operational reserve corps(maneuver corps), and one strategic reserve corps(maneuver corps). When conflict occurs with Russia regarding marine resources and sea routes, Russia is expected to send a warfare group of a size that includes two destroyers, which is part of the Pacific Fleet. In order to balance this strength, Unified Korea naval power requires one warfare group including two destroyers. Fifth, management direction for the Unified Korean military is as in the following. Regarding the ground force management, it would be most efficient to deploy troops in the border area with china for regional and counter-amphibious defense. For the defense except the border line with china, the most efficient form of force management would be maintaining strategic reserve corps. The naval force should achieve relative balance with neighboring countries when there is maritime dispute and build 'task fleet' which can independently handle long-range maritime mission. Of the three 'task fleet', one task fleet should be deployed at Jeju base to prepare for Dokdo territorial dispute and Leodo jurisdictional dispute. Also in case of regional conflict with china, one task fleet should be positioned at Yellow Sea and for regional conflict with Japan and Russia, one task fleet should be deployed at East Sea. Realistically, Unified Korea cannot possess an air force equal to neither Japan nor China in quantity. Therefore, although Unified Korea's air force might be inferior in quantity, they should possess the systematic level which Japan or China has. For this Unified Korea should build air base in island areas like Jeju Island or Ullenong Island to increase combat radius. Also to block off infiltration of enemy attack plane, air force needs to build and manage air bases near coastal areas. For landing operation forces, Marine Corps should be managed in the size of two divisions. For island defense force, which is in charge of Jeju Island, Ulleung Island, Dokdo Island and five northwestern boarder island defenses, it should be in the size of one brigade. Also for standing international peace keeping operation, it requires one brigade. Therefore Marine Corps should be organized into three divisions. The result of the research yields a few policy implications when building appropriate military strength for Unified Korea. First, Unified Korea requires lower number of ground troops compared to that of current ROK(Republic of Korea) force. Second, air-sea forces should be drastically reinforced. Third, appropriate military strength of the Unified Korean military should be based on current ROK military system. Forth, building appropriate military strength for Unified Korea should start from today, not after reunification. Because of this, South Korea should build a military power that can simultaneously prepare for current North Korea's provocations and future threats from neighboring countries after reunification. The core of this research is to decide appropriate military strength for Unified Korea to realize relative balance that will ensure defense sufficiency from neighboring countries threats. In other words, this research should precisely be aware of threats posed by neighboring countries and decide minimum level of military strength that could realize relative balance in conflict situation. Moreover this research will show the path for building appropriate military strength in each armed force.

• Strategy21
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• s.33
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• pp.65-112
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• 2014

Recent trends show that the PRC has stepped aside its "army-centered approach" and placed greater emphasis on its Navy and Air Force for a wider range of operations, thereby reducing its ground force and harnessing its economic power and military technology into naval development. A quantitative growth of the PLA Navy itself is no surprise as this is not a recent phenomenon. Now is the time to pay closer attention to the level of PRC naval force's performance and the extent of its warfighting capacity in the maritime domain. It is also worth asking what China can do with its widening naval power foundation. In short, it is time to delve into several possible scenarios I which the PRC poses a real threat. With this in mind, in Section Two the paper seeks to observe the construction progress of PRC's naval power and its future prospects up to the year 2020, and categorize time frame according to its major force improvement trends. By analyzing qualitative improvements made over time, such as the scale of investment and the number of ships compared to increase in displacement (tonnage), this paper attempts to identify salient features in the construction of naval power. Chapter Three sets out performance evaluation on each type of PRC naval ships as well as capabilities of the Navy, Air Force, the Second Artillery (i.e., strategic missile forces) and satellites that could support maritime warfare. Finall, the concluding chapter estimates the PRC's maritime warfighting capability as anticipated in respective conflict scenarios, and considers its impact on the Korean Peninsula and proposes the directions ROK should steer in response. First of all, since the 1980s the PRC navy has undergone transitions as the focus of its military strategic outlook shifted from ground warfare to maritime warfare, and within 30 years of its effort to construct naval power while greatly reducing the size of its ground forces, the PRC has succeeded in building its naval power next to the U.S.'s in the world in terms of number, with acquisition of an aircraft carrier, Chinese-version of the Aegis, submarines and so on. The PRC also enjoys great potentials to qualitatively develop its forces such as indigenous aircraft carriers, next-generation strategic submarines, next-generation destroyers and so forth, which is possible because the PRC has accumulated its independent production capabilities in the process of its 30-year-long efforts. Secondly, one could argue that ROK still has its chances of coping with the PRC in naval power since, despite its continuous efforts, many estimate that the PRC naval force is roughly ten or more years behind that of superpowers such as the U.S., on areas including radar detection capability, EW capability, C4I and data-link systems, doctrines on force employment as well as tactics, and such gap cannot be easily overcome. The most probable scenarios involving the PRC in sea areas surrounding the Korean Peninsula are: first, upon the outbreak of war in the peninsula, the PRC may pursue military intervention through sea, thereby undermining efforts of the ROK-U.S. combined operations; second, ROK-PRC or PRC-Japan conflicts over maritime jurisdiction or ownership over the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands could inflict damage to ROK territorial sovereignty or economic gains. The PRC would likely attempt to resolve the conflict employing blitzkrieg tactics before U.S. forces arrive on the scene, while at the same time delaying and denying access of the incoming U.S. forces. If this proves unattainable, the PRC could take a course of action adopting "long-term attrition warfare," thus weakening its enemy's sustainability. All in all, thiss paper makes three proposals on how the ROK should respond. First, modern warfare as well as the emergent future warfare demonstrates that the center stage of battle is no longer the domestic territory, but rather further away into the sea and space. In this respect, the ROKN should take advantage of the distinct feature of battle space on the peninsula, which is surrounded by the seas, and obtain capabilities to intercept more than 50 percent of the enemy's ballistic missiles, including those of North Korea. In tandem with this capacity, employment of a large scale of UAV/F Carrier for Kill Chain operations should enhance effectiveness. This is because conditions are more favorable to defend from sea, on matters concerning accuracy rates against enemy targets, minimized threat of friendly damage, and cost effectiveness. Second, to maintain readiness for a North Korean crisis where timely deployment of US forces is not possible, the ROKN ought to obtain capabilities to hold the enemy attack at bay while deterring PRC naval intervention. It is also argued that ROKN should strengthen its power so as to protect national interests in the seas surrounding the peninsula without support from the USN, should ROK-PRC or ROK-Japan conflict arise concerning maritime jurisprudence. Third, the ROK should fortify infrastructures for independent construction of naval power and expand its R&D efforts, and for this purpose, the ROK should make the most of the advantages stemming from the ROK-U.S. alliance inducing active support from the United States. The rationale behind this argument is that while it is strategically effective to rely on alliance or jump on the bandwagon, the ultimate goal is always to acquire an independent response capability as much as possible.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.50
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• pp.175-206
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• 2017

The current study described the history of Islamic extremism and the recent expansion of international Islamic extremism in Indonesia. For doing so, both content analysis of the existing written documents and qualitative interviews were conducted. For the content analysis, media reports and research articles were collected and utilized. For qualitative interviews, Indonesian students and workers in Korea, Korean spouses married to Indonesian, and Korean missionaries in Indonesia were contacted and interviewed. Qualitative interview was conducted between 30 minutes and 2 hours. On the spot, interviews were recorded and later transcribed into written documents. Due to the difficulty of identification of population and the uneasiness of accessability to th study subjects, convenient sampling and snowball sampling were used. According to the results, Islamic extremism in Indonesia had a deep historical root and generally shared similar historical experience with other muslim countries such as Afghanistan, Pakistan, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia where Islamic extremism was deeply rooted in. That is, Islamic extremism began as a reaction to the western imperialism, after independence, Islamic extremism elements were marginalized in the process of construction of the modern nation-state, and Islamic extremist movement was radicalized and became violent during the Soviet-Afghan War. In addition, after 9.11, Islamic extremism in Indonesia was connected to international Islamic extremism network and integrated into such global movement. Such a historical development of Indonesian Islamic extremism was quite organized and robust. Meanwhile, the eastward infiltration and expansion of international Islamic extremism such as IS and Al Qaeda was observed in Indonesia. Particularly, such a worrisome expansion was more clearly visible in the marginalized and underdeveloped countrysides in Indonesia. Such expansion in Indonesia could negatively affect on the security of South Korea. Geographically, Indonesia is proximate to South Korea. This geographical proximity could be a direct security threat to the Korean society, as if Islamic extremism in North Africa and Middle East becomes a direct security threat to Europe. Considering the presence of a large size of Indonesian immigrant workers and communities in South Korea, such a concern is very realistic. The arrest of an Indonesian Islamic extremism supporter in November, 2016, could be a harbinger of the coming trend of Islamic extremism expansion inside South Korea. The Indonesian Islamic community in South Korea could be a passage of Indonesian Islamic extremism into the South Korean society. In this context, it is timely and necessary to pay an attention to the recent trend of Islamic extremism expansion in Indonesia.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.20
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• pp.339-363
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• 2009

The 9.11 demonstrated that terrorist attack could be more serious problem than the war in our modern life. No countries in the world have evaded being a target for terrorists today. As well as South Korea, the whole world must share attentions and responsibilities for fighting against the terrorism. Since the international terrorist groups have expanded their targets from Western countries to Koreans, civilian hostages are no longer other's affair; it became a serious threat to public. Increased Korean investment, trade, missionary, and travel overseas also expanded activity regions worldwide. It also result increased terrorist threats and possible abduction. The number of kidnapping crisis has increased since the terrorists use it as an effective method of sending a message. Piracy refers to a broad range of violent acts at sea, and has traditionally been regarded as common enemies. Piracy constitutes a great threat to the security of navigation as well as to the safety of vessels and crews. Lessons from hostage issues such as Korean hostage crisis in Somalia and Afghanistan show that it can cause criticism on moral issues if armed rescue missions fail or hostages are killed, so the governments and related corporations try to solve it by paying ransom. Terrorists and use these advantages in order to put a huge pressure on the governments. In this study we will look at essential characteristics and types of hostage abductions and recognition of national safety, lessons and solutions to previous Korean hostage cases in overseas. At the same time, it provides a guidelines of the direction in the fighting against terrorist groups and Piracy.

• Strategy21
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• s.46
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• pp.239-276
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• 2020

The failure of early economic sanctions aimed at hurting the overall economies of targeted states called for a more sophisticated design of economic sanctions. This paved way for the advent of 'smart sanctions,' which target the supporters of the regime instead of the public mass. Despite controversies over the effectiveness of economic sanctions as a coercive tool to change the behavior of a targeted state, the transformation from 'comprehensive sanctions' to 'smart sanctions' is gaining the status of a legitimate method to impose punishment on states that do not conform to international norms, the nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction in this particular context of the paper. The five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council proved that it can come to an accord on imposing economic sanctions over adopting resolutions on waging military war with targeted states. The North Korean nuclear issue has been the biggest security threat to countries in the region, even for China out of fear that further developments of nuclear weapons in North Korea might lead to a 'domino-effect,' leading to nuclear proliferation in the Northeast Asia region. Economic sanctions had been adopted by the UNSC as early as 2006 after the first North Korean nuclear test and has continually strengthened sanctions measures at each stage of North Korean weapons development. While dubious of the effectiveness of early sanctions on North Korea, recent sanctions that limit North Korea's exports of coal and imports of oil seem to have an impact on the regime, inducing Kim Jong-un to commit to peaceful talks since 2018. The purpose of this paper is to add a variable to the factors determining the success of economic sanctions on North Korea: preventing North Korea's evasion efforts by conducting illegal transshipments at sea. I first analyze the cause of recent success in the economic sanctions that led Kim Jong-un to engage in talks and add the maritime element to the argument. There are three conditions for the success of the sanctions regime, and they are: (1) smart sanctions, targeting commodities and support groups (elites) vital to regime survival., (2) China's faithful participation in the sanctions regime, and finally, (3) preventing North Korea's maritime evasion efforts.