• Asia Marketing Journal
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.83-110
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• 2010

Dissatisfied customers may express their dissatisfaction behaviorally. These behavioral responses may impact the firms' profitability. How do we model the impact of self regulatory orientation on emotions and subsequent customer behaviors? Obviously, the positive and negative emotions experienced in these situations will influence the overall degree of satisfaction or dissatisfaction with the service(Zeelenberg and Pieters 1999). Most likely, these specific emotions will also partly determine the subsequent behavior in relation to the service and service provider, such as the likelihood of complaining, the degree to which customers will switch or repurchase, and the extent of word of mouth communication they will engage in(Zeelenberg and Pieters 2004). This study investigates the antecedents, consequences of negative consumption emotion and the moderate effect of attribution processing in an integrated model(self regulatory mode → specific emotions → behavioral responses). We focused on the fact that regret and disappointment have effects on consumer behavior. Especially, There are essentially two approaches in this research: the valence based approach and the specific emotions approach. The authors indicate theoretically and show empirically that it matters to distinguish these approaches in services research. and The present studies examined the influence of two regulatory mode concerns(Locomotion orientation and Assessment orientation) with making comparisons on experiencing post decisional regret and disappointment(Pierro, Kruglanski, and Higgins 2006; Pierro et al. 2008). When contemplating a decision with a negative outcome, it was predicted that high (vs low) locomotion would induce more disappointment than regret, whereas high (vs low) assessment would induce more regret than disappointment. The validity of the measurement scales was also confirmed by evaluations provided by the participating respondents and an independent advisory panel; samples provided recommendations throughout the primary, exploratory phases of the study. The resulting goodness of fit statistics were RMR or RMSEA of 0.05, GFI and AGFI greater than 0.9, and a chi-square with a 175.11. The indicators of the each constructs were very good measures of variables and had high convergent validity as evidenced by the reliability with a more than 0.9. Some items were deleted leaving those that reflected the cognitive dimension of importance rather than the dimension. The indicators were very good measures and had convergent validity as evidenced by the reliability of 0.9. These results for all constructs indicate the measurement fits the sample data well and is adequate for use. The scale for each factor was set by fixing the factor loading to one of its indicator variables and then applying the maximum likelihood estimation method. The results of the analysis showed that directions of the effects in the model are ultimately supported by the theory underpinning the causal linkages of the model. This research proposed 6 hypotheses on 6 latent variables and tested through structural equation modeling. 6 alternative measurements were compared through statistical significance test of the paths of research model and the overall fitting level of structural equation model and the result was successful. Also, Locomotion orientation more positively influences disappointment when internal attribution is high than low and Assessment orientation more positively influences regret when external attribution is high than low. In sum, The results of our studies suggest that assessment and locomotion concerns, both as chronic individual predispositions and as situationally induced states, influence the amount of people's experienced regret and disappointment. These findings contribute to our understanding of regulatory mode, regret, and disappointment. In previous studies of regulatory mode, relatively little attention has been paid to the post actional evaluative phase of self regulation. The present findings indicate that assessment concerns and locomotion concerns are clearly distinct in this phase, with individuals higher in assessment delving more into possible alternatives to past actions and individuals higher in locomotion engaging less in such reflective thought. What this suggests is that, separate from decreasing the amount of counterfactual thinking per se, individuals with locomotion concerns want to move on, to get on with it. Regret is about the past and not the future. Thus, individuals with locomotion concerns are less likely to experience regret. The results supported our predictions. We discuss the implications of these findings for the nature of regret and disappointment from the perspective of their relation to regulatory mode. Also, self regulatory mode and the specific emotions(disappointment and regret) were assessed and their influence on customers' behavioral responses(inaction, word of mouth) was examined, using a sample of 275 customers. It was found that emotions have a direct impact on behavior over and above the effects of negative emotions and customer behavior. Hence, We argue against incorporating emotions such as regret and disappointment into a specific response measure and in favor of a specific emotions approach on self regulation. Implications for services marketing practice and theory are discussed.

• Journal of Global Scholars of Marketing Science
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• v.18 no.4
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• pp.119-155
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• 2008

Customer Relationship Management(CRM) has been a sustainable competitive edge of many companies. CRM analyzes customer data for designing and executing targeted marketing analysing customer behavior in order to make decisions relating to products and services including management information system. It is critical for companies to get and maintain profitable customers. How to manage relationships with customers effectively has become an important issue for both academicians and practitioners in recent years. However, the existing academic literature and the practical applications of customer relationship management(CRM) strategies have been focused on the technical process and organizational structure about the implementation of CRM. These limited focus on CRM lead to the result of numerous reports of failed implementations of various types of CRM projects. Many of these failures are also related to the absence of marketing approach. Identifying successful factors and outcomes focused on marketing concept before introducing a CRM project are a pre-implementation requirements. Many researchers have attempted to find the factors that contribute to the success of CRM. However, these research have some limitations in terms of marketing approach without explaining how the marketing based factors contribute to the CRM success. An understanding of how to manage relationship with crucial customers effectively based marketing approach has become an important topic for both academicians and practitioners. However, the existing papers did not provide a clear antecedent and outcomes factors focused on marketing approach. This paper attempt to validate whether or not such various marketing factors would impact on relational quality and CRM performance in terms of marketing oriented perceptivity. More specifically, marketing oriented factors involving market orientation, customer orientation, customer information orientation, and core customer orientation can influence relationship quality(satisfaction and trust) and CRM outcome(customer retention and customer share). Another major goals of this research are to identify the effect of relationship quality on CRM outcomes consisted of customer retention and share to show the relationship strength between two factors. Based on meta analysis for conventional studies, I can construct the following research model. An empirical study was undertaken to test the hypotheses with data from various companies. Multiple regression analysis and t-test were employed to test the hypotheses. The reliability and validity of our measurements were tested by using Cronbach's alpha coefficient and principal factor analysis respectively, and seven hypotheses were tested through performing correlation test and multiple regression analysis. The first key outcome is a theoretically and empirically sound CRM factors(marketing orientation, customer orientation, customer information orientation, and core customer orientation.) in the perceptive of marketing. The intensification of ${\beta}$coefficient among antecedents factors in terms of marketing was not same. In particular, The effects on customer trust of marketing based CRM antecedents were significantly confirmed excluding core customer orientation. It was notable that the direct effects of core customer orientation on customer trust were not exist. This means that customer trust which is firmly formed by long term tasks will not be directly linked to the core customer orientation. the enduring management concerned with this interactions is probably more important for the successful implementation of CRM. The second key result is that the implementation and operation of successful CRM process in terms of marketing approach have a strong positive association with both relationship quality(customer trust/customer satisfaction) and CRM performance(customer retention and customer possession). The final key fact that relationship quality has a strong positive effect on customer retention and customer share confirms that improvements in customer satisfaction and trust improve accessibility to customers, provide more consistent service and ensure value-for-money within the front office which result in growth of customer retention and customer share. Particularly, customer satisfaction and trust which is main components of relationship quality are found to be positively related to the customer retention and customer share. Interactive managements of these main variables play key roles in connecting the successful antecedent of CRM with final outcome involving customer retention and share. Based on research results, This paper suggest managerial implications concerned with constructions and executions of CRM focusing on the marketing perceptivity. I can conclude in general the CRM can be achieved by the recognition of antecedents and outcomes based on marketing concept. The implementation of marketing concept oriented CRM will be connected with finding out about customers' purchasing habits, opinions and preferences profiling individuals and groups to market more effectively and increase sales changing the way you operate to improve customer service and marketing. Benefiting from CRM is not just a question of investing the right software, but adapt CRM users to the concept of marketing including marketing orientation, customer orientation, and customer information orientation. No one deny that CRM is a process or methodology used to develop stronger relationships being composed of many technological components, but thinking about CRM in primarily technological terms is a big mistake. We can infer from this paper that the more useful way to think and implement about CRM is as a process that will help bring together lots of pieces of marketing concept about customers, marketing effectiveness, and market trends. Finally, a real situation we conducted our research may enable academics and practitioners to understand the antecedents and outcomes in the perceptive of marketing more clearly.

• Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.71-82
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• 2005

Khori(高麗) refers to the Chaabog(reindeer) that live on lichens(蘚) on Mt. Soyon(鮮) in which pastures are the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia. Thus, the origin region of the Khori or Koguryo that are the ancestors of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads(馴鹿 遊牧民) can be said to be the Steppe-Taiga-Tundra pastoral areas of North Eurasia and North America. When the pastoral nomads moved on to the great mountain(大山) zone of the Jangbaek(長白) to the Baekdu(白頭) Mountains, they could have been in contact with pastoral farmers or agricultural farmers living there and they became the farmers remaining on agricultural farms. They were the Koryo people, the ancestors of Korea. Staying in one place, they gradually forgot the origin of their reindeer-herding pastoral nomadic history in the Northwest area of Mt. Soyon, the small mountain(小山) zone of the Steppe-Taiga-Tundra pastoral areas. In other words, they lost their identity as reindeer-herding pastoral nomads when they entered the agricultural area after leaving the pastoral area. However, since their basic genes had already formed when they lived on the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia, it is possible to study their pastoral nomadic history focusing on 'the minority living in the broad area(廣域少數)', by utilizing highly advanced biotechnological science and focusing on genes and information technology innovation, and removing various past hindrances in research. Therefore, it is not so difficult to restore the reindeerherding pastoral nomadic history of the Koguryo(高句麗) people and secure their pastoral nomadic identity, of which the first steps have already been taken into their historical stages. The Eurasian continent and the Korean peninsula, especially the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia and the Korean peninsula have been closely related to each other ecologically and historically. They can never be a separate space at all. The Eurasian continent lies horizontally east to west and thus, the continent forms an isothermal zone. Also, since the time of producing their own foods, it was relatively easy for people with their technology to move to other places owing to the pastoral nomadic characteristic of mobility. Unlike the Chungyen(中原) region, western Asia and the regions covering the Siberia-Manchu-Korean peninsula where food production revolution was first made were connected to the Mongolian lichens route(蘚苔之路: Ni, ukinii jam) and steppe roads. Although the ecological conditions of nature have changed a bit throughout a long history, it was natural for the many tribes in North Asia living on the largest Steppe-Taiga-Tundra area in the world to have believed 'the legends related to animals in relation to their founders and ancestors(獸祖傳說)'. Assuming that Siberian tigers and the tigers living on Mt. Baekdu were connected ecologically and genetically because of the ecological characteristics of the animals, and their migration from plateau to plateau, we would suspect that the Chosun(朝鮮) tribe living on Mt. Baekdu were ethnically and culturally more closely connected to the farther removed Ural-Altai tribes that lived on the cold and dry plateau region than to the Han(i14;) tribe who lived in Chungyen(中原) that was close to Mt. Baekdu. More evidence is the structure of the Korean language which has the form of 'Subject + Object + Verb', which is assumed to have originated from the speedy lifestyle of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads. The structure is quite different from that of the Han(漢) language, which is based on agricultural life. Also, it is natural for reindeer riding reindeerherding pastoral nomads or horse-riding sheep-herding pastoral nomads(騎馬, 羊遊牧民) to have held military and political power over the region and eventually to have established an ancient pastoral nomadic empire in the process of their conquest of agricultural regions. The stages for founding global empires in the history of mankind maybe largely divided into two, in terms of ecological conditions and occupations. They are the steppes and the oceans. Of course, the steppe-based empires were established based on the skills to deal with horses and the ability to shoot arrows while riding horses, along with the use of iron ware in the 8th century BC. The steppe-based empires became the foundation for an oceanic empire, which could have been established by the use of warships and warship guns since the 15th Century. Based on those facts, we know that Chosun, Puyo(夫餘), and Koguryo are the products of a developmental process of pastoral nomadic empires on the steppes. Maybe we can easily find the pastoral nomadic identity of the Koguryo more than we expected when we trace the origins and history of the Korean tribe living in the pastures located in the northwest area of Mt. Jangbaek by focusing on pastoral nomadic mobility and organization just as we have investigated the historic origins of Anglo-Saxons in America by focusing on the times before the 15th Century. In the process, we should keep in mind that English culture originated from the Industrial Revolution and was directly delivered to the American continent, although America was far from England and was not an intermediate point on long sojourns either. Further, American culture came back to England in a more advanced form later. The most important thing currently to be resolved is to cause Koreans to look back on their own history in a freer way of thinking and with diverse, profound, and sharp insight, taking away the old and existing conventional recognition that is entangled with complicated interests with Korean people and other countries. The meanings of Chosun, Khori, and Solongos have been interpreted arbitrarily without any historic evidence by the scholars who followed conventional tradition of fixed-minded aristocrats in an agricultural society. If the Siberian cultural properties of the stone age, the earthenware age, the bronze age, and the iron age are analyzed in such a way, archaeological discovery will never be able to contribute to the restoration of the Koguryo's pastoral nomadic identity. One should transcend the errors that tend to interpret the cultural properties discovered in the pastoral nomadic regions as not being differentiated from those of agricultural regions and just interpret them altogether from the agricultural point of view. A more careful intention is required in the interpretation of cultural properties of ancient Korean empires that seem to have been formed due to mutual interactions of pastoral nomadic and agricultural cultures. Also, it is required that the conventional recognition chain of 'reverse-genes' be severed, which has placed more weight on agricultural properties than pastoral nomadic ones, since their settlement on agricultural farms was made after the establishment of their ancient pastoral nomadic empires. There is no reason at all to place priority on stoneware, earthenware, bronze ware, and iron ware than on wooden ware(木器) and other ware which were made of animal skins(皮器), bones and horns(骨角器), in analyzing the history in the regions of reindeer or sheep pastures. Reading ancient Korean history from the perspective of pastoral nomadic history, one feels strongly the instinctive emotions to return to the natural 'mother place'. The reindeer-herding pastoral nomadic identity of the Koguryo people that has been accumulated in volumes in their genes and hidden deep inside and have interacted organically could be reborn with Burqanism(Burqan refers to 不咸 in Chinese), which was their religion by birth and symbolized as the red willow(紅柳=不咸). The mother place of the Koguryo's people is the endless vast green pastures of North Eurasia and North America, where we anticipated the development of Korean livestock farming following the inherent properties in the genes of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads with Korean ancestors. We anticipate that the place would be the core resource that could contribute to the development of life of living creatures following the inherent properties of their genes and biotechnological factors. In other words, biotechnology used for a search for clues on the well-being of humans could be the fruit brought by Burqanism of the Koguryo people and the fruit of the globalization of Korean livestock farming. It is the Chosun farmer in China come from the vast nomadic reindeer pastures of North Eurasia that resolved the food problem of a billion Chinese people with lowland paddy rice seeds (水稻) by transforming Heilongjiang Province(黑龍江省) into an oceanic lowland paddy rice field(水田). Even Mao Tse-tung(毛擇東) could not resolve the food problem by his revolution campaigns for tens of years. Today is the very time that requires the development of special livestock farming following the inherent properties of the ancient Korean reindeer-herding pastoral nomads that respected the dignity of life on the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia and the America continent. I suggest that research should be started from the pastures of the Dariganga Steppe in East Mongolia that was the homeland of Hanwoo(韓牛) and the central horse-herding steppe place(牧馬場) of Chingis Khan's Mongolia. The Dariganga Steppe is awash with an affluent natural environment for pastoral nomadic living however, the quality of life of the pastoral nomads there is still low. I suggest we Koreans, the descendents of the Koguryo, should take our first steps for our livestock farming business project and develop the Northern nomadic pastures, here at the pastures of the Dariganga Steppe, which is the Mongolian core place of state-of-the-art technology for military weapons.

• The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.73-105
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• 1993

To say nothing of the orient and the west, the human beings discover the method of Jin Mac(診脈) by the way that observe disease. But oriental medicine devise special method of Jin Mac(診脈) in the study of Kyoung Mac(經脈). Although sip-ei Kyoung Mac Jin(十二經脈診), Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診), In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診), Chon Kwan Chuck Jin(寸關尺診) namely Yuk Bu Jung Wee Jin Mac (六部定位診脈) that is used today are devised, it has changed naturally by the changing treatment and the introduction of Yuin Yang(陰陽) and five element(五行). Many methods dg Jin Mac(診脈), it had not developped successing alternative, it had developped of declined by it's own way. 1. Results for the birth of Mac(脈) 1) Mac(脈), it means Kyoung Mac(經脈), at first entirelly Mac(脈), is seized a blood vessel that flows in the body. As presumed today, after finding many acupunture point, a general idea of Mac(脈) is not maked by the line that connect point and point, it connect between acupunture point and acupunture point. 2) Like blood flows in Hyul Mac(血脈), Gie(氣) flows in Kyoung Mac(經脈). The two things relate deeply each other. In a general idea or actrally Kyoung Rak(經洛), the two things sometimes accord, sometimes seperate, sometimes mix alternative. 3) Hyul Mac(血脈) and Kyoung Mac(經脈), we call it Mac(脈) entirely Kyoung Mac(經脈), is a way that manifest disease through Kyoung Mac(經脈) or a boundary that disease belongs to it method of Mac Jin(脈診) individual that disease of Kyoung Mac(經脈) is diagnosed by the jumping situation of Hyul Mac(血脈). 4) In method of Moxa, athough the pathology and the diagnostic of Mac(脈) are created by finding Mac(脈). Finding acupunture have opportunitty fot Mac Jin(脈診) and treatment. 2. Results of Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(經脈脈診) 1) In theory of kyoung Rak(經洛), disease are resumed for malfunction of Young Wee(榮衛) that flows in Kyung Rak(經洛). So to speak, in treatment of Kyoung Rak area, the purpose of diagnosis observe the situation of disease and cause. For fitting the purpose of diagnosis, the dead had esatablised four-diagnosis method mangMunMnnJeul(望聞問切), in four-diagnosis(四診法), the core is Mac Jin(脈診). 2) sip-ei Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(十二經脈診) had existed as Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(經脈脈診), it precedes Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診). In Young Ki Gu Mac(人迎脈口診). 3) Although Bu Yang Mac(趺陽脈), So Um Mac(少陰脈) is a part of Sip-ei Kyoung Mac(十二經脈診), they developped especially because they located in the point of Won Hyul(原穴) and they are convenient for diagnose. 4) Sip-ei Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(十二經脈診), which belongs to Bu Yang Mac(趺陽脈) and So Urn Mac(少陰脈), is not important for the comming age medical books compared with Mac Kyoung(脈經). 3. Results gor Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診) 1) Mac Jin(脈診) of Sam Bu Gu Who(三部九候), which is noted in the theory of Sam Bu Gu Who(三部九候診) of So Mun(素問), belongs to Kyoung Mac Mac Jin's(經脈脈診) geneology, Sip-ei Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(十二經脈診) is arranged, simplicated by the idealogy three talents(三才思想) in the heaven and the earth. 2) What Sam Bu Gu Jin(三部九候診) is regardded as very important in So Mun(素問), the editor of So Mun(素問) recognize the meaning that one discover disease early in this method of diagnosis. 3) After Young chu(靈樞), Nan Kyoung(難經) it is lacked the method of Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診) in the books that treatment has changed. Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診) based on actually clinic appropriate. 4. results for In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診) 1) In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診) is the method of comparative Mac Jin(脈診) according to the theory of Yin Yang(陰陽), it is presumed after Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診), it had perished in parallel with the development of the theory of five elelment(五行). The development of the acupunture, the perishment of the treatment of negative(刺絡). 2) In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診), Wang Suk Wha(王叔和) recreated that the left is In Young(人迎), the right is Kie Gu(氣口). In future generations by Jin Mu Taek(陳無擇) who is the writer of Sam In Bang(三因方). In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診) is a measure for disease which classify it's inside and outside cause. 5. Results for Chon Gu Mac Jin(寸口脈診) 1) What we say Mac Jin(脈診) of Chon Gu(寸口) two means are used in commn. First case, we simply say the area of Chon Gu(寸口), second case, we say Chon Kwan Chuk Jin(寸口尺診) reducingly. Chon Gu(寸口) is the area which is the radial artery of wrist joint. What we attemp diagnose by only Chon Gu Mac(寸口脈), it is clearly shoued in the method of Nan Kyoung, five Nan(難經五難). 2) Because Jin Mac(診脈) is made in only Chon Gu(寸口), that is the area in which is concentated Kyoung Kee(經氣). That is the birth of Jin Kee(眞氣) and Jin Kee(眞氣) is related with disease. We can diagnose disease by taking Chon Gu(寸口). 3) Chuk Jin(尺診) in Nae Kyoung(難經) have two things. One is Il Chuk(一尺), the other is Chon Kwan Chu(寸關尺). 4) Chuk Chon Jin(尺寸診) is the method which diagnose the difference of point and the condition of Mac(脈) by dividing a part of Chuk(尺) in the area of Chon Gu(寸口). In Chon Gu Jin(寸口診), by introducing the theory of Yin Yang(陰陽), the method of Chon Gu Jin(寸口診) is developed by chon Gu Jin(寸口診). 5) What Chuk Kwan Chon Jin(寸關尺診) is that area of the Chon Gu(寸口) are divided fot three point, we can diagnose. By consulting Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診), developping of the method of acupunture, utilzing the theory of five element(五行) it is devised by concentrating way of thinking of the method mac Jin(脈診) exiting. 6) Chon Kwan Chuk Jin MaC(寸關尺診脈) begin from Nae Kyoung(內徑) exiting. After Nan Kyoung(內徑), spread out widely from Mac Kyoung(脈診) of Wang Suk wha(王叔和), the future medicins followed it. Yang Hyun Jo(楊玄操) and established Chon Kwan Chuk Jin(寸關尺診) which is used widely today. This right and left Chon Kwan Chuk Jin(寸關尺診), we call it method of Yuk Bu Jung Wee Jin Mac(六部定位診脈). 7) We can think the base which presume the arrangement of the viscera for Chon Kwan Chuk(寸關尺) of the right and the left. 8) The origin, which seperate the right and the left of Mac(脈), is showed at the treory of Ji Jin Yo Dae(至眞要大論) in So Mun(素問) which Chon Chuk(寸尺) seperate the right and the left. But the method of diagnosis in Nan Kyoung(難經) have no seperation the fight and the left. Otherwise this. there is clearly writtened the seperation for the right origin of the method of Yuk Bu Jung Wee Jin Mac(六部定位診脈) seek for Cang Gong(倉公). 9) Yang Hyun Jo(楊玄操) notice that the Chuk(尺) is mentioned for Sam Cho(三焦) in the method of Mac Kyuong(脈經), Sim Po Kyung(心包經) which put together with Sam Cho(三焦) allot on this, he had established the method of Yuk Bu Jung Wee Jin Mac(六部定位診脈). 10) On the method of Paen Jak Yin Yang Mac(扁鵲陰陽脈) in Mac Kyoung(脈經), equal article exist with the theory of Pyung In Kee Sang(平人氣象論) in So Mun(素問). When Wang Suk Wha(王叔和) write Mac Kyung(脈經), we can presume that the book of Mac(脈) which Paen Jak(扁鵲) had experienced the origin have exited besides So Mun(素問), Young Chu(靈樞). If so he must be make Chon Kwan Chuk Jin(寸關尺診) very fairly standard. So Nae Kyoung(內經), which must be fllowed the method of Paen Jak Mac(扁鵲脈), do the method diagnosis of Chon Kwan Chuk(寸關尺), diagnise of disease and treat.

• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.117-134
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• 2012

The purpose of this study was to identify the stage of concern, the level of use, and the innovation configuration of Home Economics teachers regarding creativity and personality education in Home Economics(HE) classes. The survey questionnaires were sent through mails and e-mails to middle-school HE teachers in the whole country selected by systematic sampling and convenience sampling. Questionnaires of the stages of concern and the levels of use developed by Hall(1987) were used in this study. 187 data were used for the final analysis by using SPSS/window(12.0) program. The results of the study were as following: First, for the stage of concerns of HE teachers on creativity and personality education, the information stage of concerns(85.51) was the one with the highest response rate and the next high in the following order: the management stage of concerns(81.88), the awareness stage of concerns(82.15), the refocusing stage of concerns(68.80), the collaboration stage of concerns(61.97), and the consequence stage of concerns(59.76). Second, the levels of use of HE teachers on creativity and personality education was highest with the mechanical levels(level 3; 21.4%) and the next high in the following order: the orientation levels of use(level 1; 20.9%), the refinement levels(level 5; 17.1%), the non-use levels(level 0; 15.0%), the preparation levels(level 2; 10.2%), the integration levels(level 6; 5.9%), the renewal levels(level 7; 4.8%), the routine levels(level 4; 4.8%). Third, for the innovation configuration of HE teachers on creativity and personality education, more than half of the HE teachers(56.1%) mainly focused on personality education in their HE classes; 31.0% of the HE teachers performed both creativity and personality education; a small number of teachers(6.4%) focused on creativity education; the same number of teachers(6.4%) responded that they do not focus on neither of the two. Examining the level and type of performance HE teachers applied, the average score on the performance of creativity and personality education was 3.76 out of 5.00 and the mean of creativity component was 3.59 and of personality component was 3.94, higher than standard. For the creativity education, openness/sensitivity(3.97) education was performed most and the next most in the following order: problem-solving skill(3.79), curiosity/interest(3.73), critical thinking(3.63), problem-finding skill(3.61), originality(3.57), analogy(3.47), fluency/adaptability(3.46), precision(3.46), imagination(3.37), and focus/sympathy(3.37). For the personality education, the following components were performed in order from most to least: power of execution(4.07), cooperation/consideration/just(4.06), self-management skill(4.04), civic consciousness(4.04), career development ability(4.03), environment adaptability(3.95), responsibility/ownership(3.94), decision making(3.89), trust/honesty/promise(3.88), autonomy(3.86), and global competency(3.55). Regarding what makes performing creativity and personality education difficult, most HE teachers(64.71%) chose the lack of instructional materials and 40.11% of participants chose the lack of seminar and workshop opportunity. 38.5% chose the difficulty of developing an evaluation criteria or an evaluation tool while 25.67% responded that they do not know any means of performing creativity and personality education. Regarding the better way to support for creativity and personality education, the HE teachers chose in order from most to least: 'expansion of hands-on activities for students related to education on creativity and personality'(4.34), 'development of HE classroom culture putting emphasis on creativity and personality'(4.29), 'a proper curriculum on creativity and personality education that goes along with students' developmental stages'(4.27), 'securing enough human resource and number of professors who will conduct creativity and personality education'(4.21), 'establishment of the concept and value of the education on creativity and personality'(4.09), and 'educational promotion on creativity and personality education supported by local communities and companies'(3.94).

• Journal of the Korean Society of School Health
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.42-65
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• 1992

A survey was made of 976 students who were selected among students of 5 middle schools at Taegu so that it could furnish basic knowledge about sex education of adolescents by analyzing students recognition of sex, acquaintance with the opposite-sex, sex-education, The survery took a month from Nov. 1, to Nov 30, 1991. The results of this study are summarized as follows. 1. The general characteristics of the surveyed students. The survey consisted of 332 boys middle school student & 325 girls middle school students, 157 male & 162 female students of coeducational middle schools. 32.9% of them were from the first grade, 33.2% from the second grade & 33.9% from the third grade. 35.7% of them believed in Buddhism, 19% Christianism and the mode of their living standard, 86.7%, fell on 34.7% of their parents engaged in commerce and they were followed by salary man and public officals, 93.1 % of the students, parents were alive. 44.9% of their fathers were graduates of high school and 42.2% of their mothers middle school. 2. Sexual maturity 89.1 % of the surveyed girls had experienced menstruation. The mode of first menstruation, 48.2%, was at the age of 13 and the mean of it was 12.9, 3.7% the surveyed boys had exprienced a wet drem before. The mode of the first wet dream, 40.0%, was at the age of 14 and the mean was 13.4. 21.3% of surveyed students had the experience of masturbation but the number of girls fell far short of that boys. The mode of the first masturbation, 37.0%, was at the age of 14 and the mean was 13.4. 3. The acquaintance and sexual relations with the opposite sex 1) Analyzing the students actual conditions with the opposite, I found out that 52.3% of them wanted to have any kind of relations with the opposite and that 30.25 had already had some kind of relations. 73.2% of the students having relations with the opposite thought the other sex merely as a friend and the number of students who were thinking that way was distributed evenly among schools. 28.8% of the students had got acquainted with the other sex through their frieds and there were not much difference between boys and girls in the method of getting acquainated with the opposite. About 35.2% of the students having relations with the opposite came from the third grade. 47.8% of them answered that the meeting place was not fixed and 26.4% answered that they were meeting their parthers outdoors. 60.7% replyed that they were not disturbed in their studies by the relations with the other sex. 2) Most of the students 79.4%, answered that they had never had sexual relations and 16.3% of the rest said that thery were expressing their feelings by grasping each other's hand. 3) 16.6% of the surveyed students asid that they had the exprience of smoking, 1.1 % of an illusion caused by inhaling chemical addhesives, 44.0% of drinking and 41.4% of warching pornographic films. 4. The knowledge and attitude about the sex 1) The distribution and analysis according to schools and grades : 64.8% of the surveyed students answered correctly to the questions about mensturation, 49.3 % did so about wet dreams, 94.3 % did so about conception, 60.6% did so about child birth, 73.9% did so about AIDS and 50.1 % did so about sexual diseases. Roughly speaking, they had not much knowledge of sexual diseases. 2) The recognition of sex according to schools and grades : 39.0% of the students said that they had worries about sex. 33.1 % of what they worried was concerned with their bodies and 26.8% was about the acqaintance and relationship with the opposite sex. The girls were much more concerned about the former and the boys the latter. 51.1 % of the students asid that they had no specific opinion of masturbation but 19.2% said that's alright if self-restrained. About the sexual intercourse before marriage, 75.7% said negatively. 5. The need for sex education most of the students, 99.4% said they needed sex education and there was not much difference in that thought among schools. And 49.7% answered that schools, families, and societies were equlally important in sex education. About half of the students, exactly 50.2%. considered it as the main reason of sex education to prevent accidents cauesd by ignorance of sex. 81.4% said that they had had some kind of sex education. Most of the educations, 87.0%, had taken place at schools but 5.2% said they were getting most of the knowledge about sex from therir friednds, juniors and seniors. 59.5% of the students who had ever had a sex education said "Just so, so" when asked of the level of their contentment but the number of students who said "satisfied" was only a few, 16.1 %. 20.7% of the survered answered that thery wanted sex education to be made in the course of home life, and 26.6 % of the students most wanted to know about the acquaintance and relationship with the oppostie sex, 29.0% preferred nurse teachers as proper councellors of sex education. The mode of their present councellors, 42.0%, was friends but only 7.6% answered they dicussed with teachers. 6. The correlation analysis between general characteristcs and sexual behaviors of the surveyed students revealed that sex had a signigicant(P<0.001) positive correlation with parents' love toward students(P<0.01), the experience of masturbation, smoking, an illusion caused by inhaling chemical adhesives and the experience of watching pornographic films. And the standard of living had a significant(P<0.01) positive correlation(P<0.01) with grade point average, parents' existence(P<0.01) and parents' love, but a significant(P<0.01) negative correlation with sexual worries. grade point average had a significant(P<0.01)negative correlation with the experience of an illusion caused by chemical adhesives(P<0.01) and smoking. Parents' existence had significant(P<0.01) positive correlations with parents' love and smoking but a significant(P<0.01) negative correlation with the experience of an illusion by chemical adhesives. There was a significant(P<0.01) negative correlations between parents' love and the experience of an illusion by chemical adhesives, and a significant(P<0.001) positive correlation among masturbation and sexual worries, smoking, an illusion by chemical adhesives and the experience of watching pornographic films. There was a significant(P<0.001) positive correlation among acquaintance with the opposite sex, smoking, the experience of an illusion by chemical adhesives and watching pornographic films. Sexual worries had significant(P<0.01) positive correlations with smoking, the experience of an illusion by chemical adhesives and watching pornographic films. smoking had a significant positive correlation with drinking the experirence of, an illusion by chemical adhesives and watching pornographic films. Finally, there was a significant(P<0.01) positive correlation between the drinking experience and the illusion experience by chemical adhesives. According to the results mentioned above, the fact is certain that there is a great need for sex education of adolescents. Therefore, it is desirable that the schools teach sexual physiology and normal positively and that sex education including hygien education be an independant course in the curriculums. Furthermore, it is essential that the schools should have enough nurse teachers to take up sex education, expand training opportunities for them and that they develop educational materials. Considering the unbalance of the level of sex educations between boys and girls, I want to suggest that all boys and girls have sex education evenly and lead happy lives by correction irrational thought about sex, that is to say, sex discrimination, Sex education programs, especially of middle school students, should be reexamined if it is to give the students effective and profitable knowledge about sex. In addition, the government should establish a policy of adolescents' sex education to have healthy opinions of sex settled nationwide.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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• v.10
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.