• 비교문화연구
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• 제35권
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• pp.35-58
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• 2014

This article aims to explain the 'people-image' of Bakhtin's works in the light of "Transgredience" and "Transition." According to Bakhtin, the real core of every culture is the people. But he did try to answer the question "what is the people?" I think, the secret of Bakhtinian thought is located in the people-image, because it is the one of the territories that have not been explained. For this purpose, we have to examine four images represented by Bakhtin, - rogue, clown, fool, thief. These images are the concrete and individualized images of people, who can characterize the power of transgredience and transition. They commonly act for changing ordinary borders of identities formulated with nationality, property, status, classes, sex and so forth. In this sense, Bakhtin thinks that the masks are the real nature which can show the mutational power of Being. That is the kernel of Bakhtin's people-image that makes and changes every cultural world. When we accept and practise this perspective positively, we will realize that Bakhtin's position is close to the cultural politics, because a practical power of thought cannot help but being political. That's why we have to investigate Bakhtin's people-image from a vantage point of "Transgredience" and "Transition."

• 영어영문학
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• 제54권4호
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• pp.531-560
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• 2008

I hope to demonstrate in this paper the degree to which the works of Leonard and Virginia Woolf, mainly The Wise Virgins, The Village in the Jungle, and The Voyage Out, are contained within the politics of home. In doing so, I aim to challenge some mainstream criticism that affirms their resistance to British imperial desire. Although their statuses as outsiders in the British Empire, being a Jew and being a woman respectively, allowed Leonard and Virginia Woolf to criticize British imperialism and a male-dominated culture as well as racial and cultural hierarchies to a degree, their works inevitably unveil their prioritization of the British white-oriented space. In some ways their authorial positions in relation to their texts uphold the imperial center as an invisible regime of truth in their narratives, supporting the patriarchal and imperial binary oppositional structure and its hierarchical order imposed not only on the British subject but also on the foreign, colonial others. Leonard's and Virginia's inconsistencies and ambiguities betray their racial distantiation and notions of British white superiority, as disclosed in their racially stereotyped descriptions and the absence of real communication between the British characters and the colonial, foreign others. The work of self-repetition, the major mechanism in the politics of home, dies hard in Leonard's and Virginia's 'antiimperial' works. Leonard's and Virginia's struggle to stand against the imperial desire needs a genuine ethical position in order to embrace the Other, which would allow us to explore further and guard against the pitfall of postcolonial criticism's being easily degenerated into a neo-colonial criticism, another politics of home.

• 동양고전연구
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• 제32호
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• pp.103-128
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• 2008

정조는 척족이 특권세력으로 발호하던 영조대 후반의 탕평정치에서 아버지를 여읜 피해자였다. 노론의 거센 방해공작을 뚫고 왕위에 오른 정조의 목표는 왕권 강화였다. 정조는 탕평정책을 영조 50여년 치세의 대업적으로 칭송하고 척신과 탕평당의 폐해를 지적하면서 신하들에게 왕을 위해 충성을 다하는 '국변인(國邊人)'이 되어줄 것을 요구하였다. 정조가 즉위 직후부터 설치 운영한 규장각(奎章閣)은 겉으로는 어제(御製)의 봉안 등을 표방했지만, 실제로는 정조의 우군을 양성하기 위한 기구였다. 그만큼 정조가 외척들을 누르고 어떻게 사대부들을 포섭하는가 하는 문제는 정권의 사활이 걸린 문제였다. 본고에서는 정조가 사대부들을 어떻게 굴복시키고 포섭하려 했는가라는 문제를 본격적으로 조명하였다. 그것을 통해서 정조가 시도한 왕권강화책의 논리와 방법을 확인해 보고자 하였다. 정조는 경학(經學)의 본질은 성리학이 아니라 실생활과 절실하게 관련된 학문이라는 점을 강조함으로써 사대부들의 이념적 근거를 붕괴시키고자 하였다. 정조가 사대부들의 풍기와 세도를 비판하고 그들의 학문인 주자성리학의 의미를 축소했던 것은 사대부들을 왕권에 복속시키기 위한 방편이었다. 붕당론이나 성학론을 기본으로 하는 사대부들의 정치 이념과 학문적 근거를 반박함으로써 공론(公論)의 주체로서 국왕의 권위를 강조하려고 하였다. 정조가 영조의 '군사(君師)' 개념을 계승하고 왕호도 '홍재(弘齋)'에서 '만천명월주인옹(萬川明月主人翁)'으로 바꾼 것은 그의 사대부 비판이 궁극적으로 지향하고자 했던 바를 상징적으로 보여준다.

• 동양고전연구
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• 제36호
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• pp.301-332
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• 2009

우리 학계에서 율곡이 살았던 16 세기는 흔히 성리학의 전성기로 평가된다. 그런데 율곡을 통해 본 당시의 상황은 절망적이었다. 학문적으로는 성리학이 꽃을 피웠지만 정치적으로는 쇠락의 길로 치닫고 있었다. 따라서 성리학 중심의 연구는 나름대로의 의미를 가지고 있음에도 불구하고 당시의 정치를 분석하기에는 한계를 갖는다. 율곡을 다룬 기존 연구들은 주로 철학적 이론중심에 맞추어 설명하는 방식을 취해왔다. 이 논문은 이와 달리 율곡이 현실정치에서 실제로 보고 듣고 느낀 다양한 정치적 경험들을 재구성하는 방식을 택한다. 기존의 연구가 주로 율곡의 철학을 다룬 '경학론' 중심이었다면, 이 책은 율곡의 정치적 경험에 근거한 '정치적 사고'에 주목하여 그의 '경세론'을 복원하려는 의도를 갖는다. 필자가 율곡에게서 가장 주목한 용어는 폐(弊)였다. 율곡의 관직생활은 전(前)시대의 권간들이 남긴 유폐(遺弊)를 어떻게 극복할 것인가 하는 문제의식으로 시작되었다. 율곡이 주목한 것은 '백성[民]'이 아니라, 백성들의 구체적인 삶의 모습인 '민생(民生)'이었다. 율곡은 당시 처참한 민생의 원인이 바로 '폐법(弊法)'에 있음을 인식하고, 폐법을 개혁하기 위한 다양한 시도를 벌인다. 율곡은 백성을 사랑하는 애민(愛民)의 차원이 아닌, 백성이 편안한 안민(安民)에 초점을 두게 된다. 이후 율곡의 관심은 '폐정(弊政)'이라는 문제로 옮겨가게 된다. 율곡은 폐법이 개혁되지 못하는 이유를 폐정에서 찾고 있었다. 율곡이 지목한 폐정은 첫째는 잘못된 인사문제였고, 둘째는 왜곡된 공론문제였다. 율곡은 인사문제와 공론문제는 모두 '소통의 부재'라는 요소에 그 기원을 두고 있음을 인식한다. 율곡은 여기서 논(論)보다 의(議)의 중요성을 인식하고, 의(議)를 살려냄으로써 정치의 장에서 소통의 기반을 마련하려는 시도를 한다.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제19권2호
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• pp.148-168
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• 2020

In April, 2020, amid widespread fear of a second wave of infections of the novel coronavirus in China, local authorities in Guangzhou cracked down on the city's black population, resulting in mass evictions of Africans. The incident raises several questions about racism in China. How should we interpret this heavy-handed treatment of black people? Was this an isolated incident? What motivated such operations? In this article, I explain social control of Guangzhou's African communities as a problem of municipal politics. What underlies the government's heavy handed approach, I argue, are those communities' ties to rurality, which constitute a roadblock in the city's urban upgrade. Using Dengfeng Village, one of the best known African communities in China, as a case study, I show that efforts to upgrade the area by the local state and the real estate industry were frustrated by the community's status as an urban village. Africans, whom Chinese have historically associated with rurality, are seen as contributing to a space that has long been stigmatized as a spatial manifestation of rural people's lack of self-discipline. To better reveal the interconnection between social control and urban politics, I place official action in context of the history of the community's formation and the lived experience. This analysis of Dengfeng applies to various extents to other major African communities in Guangzhou.

• 한국연극학
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• 제53호
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• pp.57-87
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• 2014

This article re-reads the messages of the text, 'Incendies', the uncanny actions and the strange words of protagonist Nawal, through the ideas of Jacques Lacan, particularly his notion of sexuation with posing questions about most of the previous reviews which are based on femininity or motherhood. For Lacan, masculinity and femininity are not biological essences but symbolic positions, and the assumption of one of these two positions is fundamental to the construction of subjectivity. So 'man' and 'woman' are merely signifiers that stand for these two subjective positions. Each side is defined by both an affirmation and a negation of the phallic function, by both an inclusion and exclusion of absolute non-phallic jouissance. Unlike the man, the woman is 'not-all' identified with the phallic function, demonstrating the undecidability and impossibility of totalising the woman. Although the woman is bound to do castration through being subject to the phallic function, she is also related to the signifier of the barred Other, S(Ⱥ) which stands for a gap or lack in the Other. Thus, as a consequence of not being entirely within the symbolic, she has an Other Jouissance, Feminine Jouissance, because it's possible to face emptiness of the Symbolic, the Real only in the place of the woman for new Ethics/Politics. This paper finds that Nawal is not completely defined by the phallic function and she is a subject of death drive that practices the signifying cut with passing through the fantasy as a screen for the desire of the Other. Nawal is situated on the position of the woman as 'not-all' unlike masculinity in Lacanian sexuation. This article shows that her strange acts are love, that is the true ethical acts. Above all her acts are related to the ethics of pure desire beyond the ethics of the Good of Aristotle. In that sense the character of Nawal of 'Incendies' is similar to the one of 'Antigone' as a character in all aspects. In psychoanalysis they all are true subjects that face a void, emptiness in a symbolic structure. They assume underlying impossibility of being/the Symbolic. They don't represent the images of compromise and peace in the normally accepted meaning of the word. A love that they show is not compassion but blind recognition of the excluded, embracing uniqueness of the excluded. This thesis finds resultingly Nawal's acts which can't be understood from viewpoint of feminism practice the ethics of the real, the politics of the real.

• 아태비즈니스연구
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• 제11권3호
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• pp.217-227
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• 2020

Purpose - Against the backdrop of the recent intense political conflict in Korea's political circles, it is to reveal from an economic point of view the hidden aspects behind the hostile conflict between the two political forces. Design/methodology/approach - This paper is not a normative study to find a solution to political conflict, but a positive study to reveal the mechanism of reciprocity that exists between the two parties of conflict in real politics. Therefore, the analysis is based on game theory methodology. Findings - It is shown that the ruling party should choose a level of preemptive response that is neither insufficient nor excessive if it aims to avoid radical anti-government struggles by opposition parties. We also find that even if the chances of success of the opposition's radical offensive struggle are low, the use of that strategy is not necessarily reduced. In addition, we have obtained comparative static results that do not deviate much from our intuition. What's interesting is that unlike our intuition that the choice of the method will be indifferent if the marginal effects of radical and normal methods of struggle are the same, the opposition party rather chooses the normal method of struggle more often. Research implications or Originality - In forming the analytical model, it reflected the support of the general public following the opposition's struggle against the ruling party in order to capture real politics well in the conflict between the two opposing parties.

• 영어영문학
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• 제56권1호
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• pp.103-133
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• 2010

The purpose of this paper is to make a critique of racial aspects of Caribbean literature more ethical through a constant concern with history and political philosophy. The first step I take for this purpose is a comparative reading of C. L. R. James's view of Toussaint L'Ouverture's position and Frantz Fanon's view of race and class in the historical context of the Caribbean power-relations. In so doing, I examine how Toussaint's and Fanon's wills to negotiation were thwarted in the New World history. To elaborate upon this ethico-political approach, I have recourse to the so-called later Derrida, focusing on his books, such as The Politics of Friendship, Of Hospitality, On Cosmopolitanism and Forgiveness, etc. Taking an up-close look at Derrida's thought, I argue that his political contemplation of ethics is as effective as his deconstruction of "otherness" in dealing with the nature of ethnic clashes in both the real world and minority literature. In the second half of my paper, I reexamine the issues of race, gender, and class in the three novels of Jamaica Kincaid - Annie John, Lucy, and The Autobiography of My Mother. It is conceivable that from the feminist perspective Kincaid's fiction has been read as a postcolonial Bildungsroman. In my supplementary attempts to this criticism, I reveal that the teenage narrator's precocious awareness is still under the colonial influence in the Annie John section. My analysis of Lucy contends that the reasons why the white woman fails to make friends with the young black woman should be sought in the long history of the U.S. racial politics. In the section of The Autobiography of My Mother, I discuss how difficult it is for a minority woman to liberate from the spell of history insofar as she is engaged in the issue of identity. In closing, I pose a need of consolation that literature may grant us by becoming able to produce a different interpretation on all the bleaker reality.

• 정보화정책
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• 제20권2호
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• pp.3-19
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• 2013

SNS 정치참여에 관한 연구가 가장 많이 다룬 주제는 정치참여 효과, 선거캠페인, 그리고 공론장의 문제였다. 정치참여 효과에 대해서는 SNS 이용자의 정치참여의 특성, SNS가 정치참여에 미치는 변화 정도, 적극적 SNS 정치 참여 집단, 그리고 젊은 층의 정치참여에 미치는 영향 등에 관해서 연구가 진행되었다. 선거 부문에서는 투표율 제고 효과, 투표 행태에 미치는 영향, 선거결과에 미치는 영향, 그리고 정책선거의 가능성 등의 쟁점이 있었다. 끝으로 공론장에 관한 연구는 SNS 정보의 질적 평가와 사회파편화 현상이 주로 논의 되었다. 세 가지 주제 전체에 걸쳐 공통적으로 관찰되는 현상은 거의 모든 쟁점에 대해서 서로 상반되는 주장과 연구결과가 나타난다는 점이다. 이러한 상반된 연구결과는 현실정치 변수가 충분히 고려되지 않은 점과 연구대상과 변수를 엄밀하게 규정하고 설계하지 못한 점에서 비롯될 가능성이 크다. 향후 국가 간 비교연구를 통해 현실정치 맥락을 풍부하게 반영하고, 독립변수를 좀 더 세밀하고 구분한다면 SNS 정치참여에 대한 보다 정확한 연구성과를 얻을 수 있을 것이다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권39호
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• pp.5-46
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• 2016

North Korea's 4th nuclear test on Jan. 6 and following developments once again awakened the world into seriousness of the nuclear matters on the Korean peninsula. On March 2, UNSC adopted Resolution 2270 which is complemented by Seoul government's measures such as withdrawal from the Gaesung Industrial Complex (Feb. 9) and announcement of unilateral sanction (March 8). Seoul government also strongly urged the international community to strangle North Korea's 'financial resources.' The U.S., Japan, China, and other countries have issued unilateral sanctions to complement the UNSC measure. South Korea and the U.S. conducted their annual joint military drill (Resolve-Foal Eagle) in the largest-ever scale. North Korea, however, responded with demonstration of its nuclear capabilities and announcement of de facto 'nuclear-first' politics. North Korea test-fired a variety of delivery vehicles, threatened nuclear strikes against South Korea and the U.S., and declared itself as an 'invincible nuclear power armed with hydrogen bombs' at the 7th Workers 'Party Congress held in May, 2016. Considering the circumstantial evidences, the North's 4th nuclear test may have been a successful boosted fission bomb test. North Korea, and, if allowed to go on with its nuclear programs, will become a nuclear power armed with more than 50 nuclear weapons including hydrogen bombs. The North is already conducting nuclear blackmail strategy towards South Korea, and must be developing 'nuclear use' strategies. Accordingly, the most pressing challenge for the international community is to bring the North to 'real dialogue for denuclearization through powerful and consistent sanctions. Of course, China's cooperation is the key to success. In this situation, South Korea has urgent challenges on diplomacy and security fronts. A diplomatic challenge is how to lead China, which had shown dual attitudes between 'pressure and connivance' towards the North's nuclear matters pursuant to its military relations with the U.S, to participate in the sanctions consistently. A military one is how to offset the 'nuclear shadow effects' engendered by the North's nuclear blackmail and prevent its purposeful and non-purposeful use of nuclear weapons. Though South Korea's Ministry of Defense is currently spending a large portion of defense finance on preemption (kill-chain) and missile defense, they pose 'high cost and low efficiency' problems. For a 'low cost and high efficiency' of deterrence, South Korea needs to switch to a 'retaliation-centered' deterrence strategy. Though South Korea's response to the North's nuclear threat can theoretically be boiled down into dialogue, sanction and deterrence, now is the time to concentrate on strong sanction and determined deterrence since they are an inevitable mandatory course to destroy the North' nuclear-first delusion and bring it to a 'real denuclearization dialogue.'