• Title/Summary/Keyword: the intellectuals

Search Result 155, Processing Time 0.028 seconds

Study on sijo by Young-do Lee (이영도 시조 연구)

  • Yoo, Ji-Hwa
    • Sijohaknonchong
    • /
    • v.42
    • /
    • pp.213-238
    • /
    • 2015
  • Jeongun(丁芸) Lee, Young-do (李永道), who is deemed a representative female poet of Korea, began her literary career in May, 1946 when she published in a publication called "Bamboo Sprout, (죽순)". Her Korean identity, which was formed through her Confucius upbringing as well as traditional value system of her family, had a strong presence in her work, and she remained a quintessential figure in Korea's female sijo poet circle for 30 years until her passing in 1976. Despite the highly acclaimed talent and her noble aspirations, it is undeniable that her works did not receive fair assessment due to her private life. Against this backdrop, it is necessary to deeply inquire the literary values and beauty of Young-do Lee's sijo. As mentioned, Young-do Lee is a solidly established figure in Korea's modern poetry. The following illustrates the spirit and the world of her poetry. First, Young-do Lee lived through turbulent times and it was her country that served as the source of her sijo work. Assessing the multitude of dramatic historical events such as Japanese colonization, 8.15 Liberation of Korea, division of the nation, 6.25 Korean war, 4.19 Revolution, 5.16 military coup, it is natural that patriotism was strongly present in her work who was one of the intellectuals at the time. Second, Young-do Lee is a poet who had experienced more pain than others in terms of the turbulence of the time. Her Korean identity, which was formed through her Confucius upbringing as well as traditional value system of her family, had a strong presence in her work. Third, Jeongun Lee, Young-do is a poet of longing. The abundance and richness of her emotions were fortified through the relationship with another poet, Chihwan Yu. Fourth, Young-do Lee is a poet opened up new horizons for the modennization. The transparency of image reflected in her work and the elaborate nature of her language are outstanding. In summary, Young-do Lee was a true artist, who has a strong presence in Korea's modern poetry society, and who was a poet of patriotism, poet who suffered the turbulence of the times, and a poet of longing.

  • PDF

Search for an archaic form of Jain-Danoje - Focucing on 'Yeowonmoo' and 'Hojanggut' - (자인단오제의 고형(古形)에 관한 탐색 - '여원무'와 '호장굿'을 중심으로 -)

  • Han, Yang-myung
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
    • /
    • no.19
    • /
    • pp.5-33
    • /
    • 2009
  • Jain-Danoje's course since modern is not different with almost all of folk performances, which were restored and reconstructed with a background of the designation of an intangible cultural heritage and National folk arts contest sine the 1960s. Generally, these folk performances were decontextualized in course of extinction and reappearance, and recontextualized in course of new directions on tradition. Also, the performances were interpreted differently and transformed by the main constituents of reappearance. Jain-Danoje nowadays has a regular form just at that time that has been designated as a cultural heritage at 1970s. But, today's Jain-Danoje is clearly different with the last appearance in 1936 and some Literature and jainhyun-eupji. I think such differences would stems from the process of reproduction. From this perspective, I had investigate Old literature and the early days report, and the current text. Especially, I will show the considerable change which has been occurred in the Yeowonmu and Hojanggut, the central role to configure that identity, by comparing past and today. As a result of consideration, today's form of the Yeowonmu and Hojanggut are created texts that mind the designation of an intangible cultural heritage and National folk arts contest. These texts has been reproduced without understanding about structure and current of folk festival and state of performance which has been transmitted on premodern society. some intellectuals search for an archaic form of Jain-Danoje based on jainhyun-eupji that created in 1895, except the other jainhyun-eupji. Moreover, because of the understanding with a bias, they can't grasp the meaning about the religious service for Hanjanggun, and they can't see the facts of Yeowonmoo. In addition, they were aware of 'o-sin' that led by Hojang as a fancy dress parade in a carnival, and that is recognized as a component of Jain-Danoje, so there was other text which is different from our own festival.

Mythicality and Anti-mythicality of Hunminjeongeum (『훈민정음』의 신화성과 반신화성 - 도상성을 중심으로)

  • Song, Hyo-sup
    • 기호학연구
    • /
    • no.54
    • /
    • pp.93-117
    • /
    • 2018
  • The process of creating Hunminjeongeum described in Haerye version of Hunminjeongeum shows a rule of signification by which a signifiant represents a referent. In this article, I will suggest two types, the mythical and the anti-mythical, that affect the iconic relation between signifiant and referent, and consider how they are realized in Hunminjeongeum. The mythical type is shown as Yin-Yang and the Five Elements Theory and Three Elements Theory of Heaven, Earth and Man dominating the thought of intellectuals at that time. It had became mythos, that is the object of absolute belief, by connecting with the power of King at that time. It is very metaphysical and involves a kind of grand narrative. It is also the voice from the past in time and from China in space. It is reflected in Hunminjeongeum's letter system intactly. Meanwhile, the anti-mythical type also affects the creation of Icon in Hunminjeongeum. Even if Hunminjeongeum had been created from King Sejong's project, its intention seemed to be educational and practical. That is the problem of that time, not of past time, and for common class, not for ruling class. It can be considered as logos in that it had been planned and processed at a real-life situation at that time. Some arguments between King Sejong and liege Choi, Manri about the validity of Hunminjeongeum also show that the creation of Hunminjeongeum had involved the problem of critical logos. Above all, in that referents of Icons of Hunminjeongeum are the figures of human vocal organs, we can suggest that these Icons also implied an Indexicality implying actual connection between voice and body. It can be considered as a deconstrucion of metaphysics and grand narrative that had been dominated by foresaid mythical type. Hereafter, from time when Hunminjeongeum have been widely used, mythos of metaphysics and grand narrative that had dominated Hunminjeongeum have been deconstructed and Hunminjeongeum has become to realize its potential competence of pragmatic sign system for the convenience of common people. Therefore, I expect that the cultural potentiality of Hangul today can be realized by such tendency of logos incessantly deconstructing mythos, that is one direction of mythosemiosis.

Modern Form of Absolute Monarchy and Lèse-Majesté Law: Thai Political Regime Reconsidered (근대적 절대군주제와 국왕모독죄: 타이 정치체제 재검토)

  • PARK, Eun Hong
    • The Southeast Asian review
    • /
    • v.27 no.1
    • /
    • pp.53-94
    • /
    • 2017
  • Thai political regime is said to have returned to bureaucratic polity or semi-democracy. However this kind of perspective do not find the political interference of Privy Council which is a body of Monarch of Thailand. Therefore this paper tries to discover the unique traits of Thai way of constitutional monarchy which can be defined as the modern form of absolute monarchy. In short Thai way of constitutional monarchy based on network politics is contradictary to the normal constitutional monarchy whose norm is "the king reigns, but does not rule." This means Thai king is in politics not above politics in reality. Thai monarchy has interfered in diversive way in terms of mediating political conflicts and protecting the monarchy as a institution. In this process the king has been worshiped as demigod who practises the Buddhist doctrine and the centre of national integration. Even after the 6 Ocober 1976 massacre which the palace involved King Bhumibol Adulyadej's sacred position was not challenged. Rather $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law became more draconian for status quo. Since then $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ was cited as one of the major rationale for the military coup. The 2006 coup which was triggered by the clash between network Monarchy and bourgeois polity based on Thakin network marked a surge of the $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ cases. The 2014 coup had consecutively increased the number of $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ prisoners. It can be said that the modern form of absolute monarchy in Thailand including bureaucratic polity, semi-democracy and democracy is bounded by $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law which network monarchy players such as military, intellectuals, Democrat Party and even some civil society groups support.

The Labeling Effect and the Politics of hostile Exclusion in Korean Society - Centered on 'Pro-North Korean leftist Forces'/'Pro-Japanese Dictatorship Forces' - (한국사회에서의 낙인효과와 적대적 배제 정치 - '종북좌파'/'친일독재 세력'을 중심으로 -)

  • Sunwoo, Hyun
    • Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
    • /
    • v.145
    • /
    • pp.271-296
    • /
    • 2018
  • In this article, I intend to reveal critically both the intrinsic crux and main problems of the politics of hostile exclusion based on the effect of labeling which was designed precisely as an impure political technique and has been operated for too long in Korean society by the conservative ruling class that centered on various negative ideological labels like 'pro-North Korean leftist forces.' Firstly, what is called the 'conservative ruling class' in Korean society is in itself an antinationalistic and antidemocratic pro-Japanese dictatorship group. Secondly, the conservative ruling class as a pro-Japanese dictatorship group has utilized politically the labeling effect which regards antigovernment Korean members as pro-North Korean or rebellious persons. This group's hostile politics, based on the ideological labelling effect, deprives antigovernment persons and groups of the qualification of Korean citizenship, in order to hold and retain their supreme power in Korean society. Thirdly, the conservative ruling class has attempted to stigmatize the citizens who participate in a movement for democracy as a pro-North Korean leftist force, but such a politically impure manner is typically completely unjustified groundless labeling. Fourthly, the attempt to define the conservative ruling class as a pro-Japanese dictatorship force is normatively justified and resonably appraised insofar as such a definition has been proved to be worthy of confidence. Finally, the trial to consider Roh's regime and pro-Roh (pro-Moon) groups as a kind of Yeongnam hegemonism by several critical intellectuals and current politicians from Honam region is not only merely a groundless and unconvincing labelling, but also the failed outcome of the attempt to systemize logically their emotional antipathy and repulsion toward Roh and pro-Roh (pro-Moon) groups.