• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.3
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• pp.46-58
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• 2022

This study analyzed the documentation trend of garden components such as plants, infrastructure, unit facilities, and structures, based on 188 measurement drawings of 94 old houses in a report on the documentation of the national folklore cultural heritage. The findings are as follows. First, it was found that plants and structures continuously appeared as the subject of measurement drawings, while infrastructure was often omitted. It was confirmed that unit facilities, which are smaller than other components, were frequently excluded from the documentation subject as well due to frequent changes such as movement, loss, and expansion. Second, the level of expression in measurement drawings showed different aspects for each component. The unit facilities showed a large change over time with respect to the level of documentation, and the level of documentation was somewhat polarized, particularly toward the latter stage. This suggests that the level of documenting the drawings limited to specific facilities improved, but the overall level of drawings did not improve, such as a lack of diversification of expression techniques suitable for various unit facilities. On the other hand, it was confirmed that the level of documenting the drawings for plants, infrastructure and structures did not change to a significant degree, implying that no improvements were made to the expression of components. Third, as for the technique of detailed expression, in the case of plants, vegetation status was prepared without distinction of old or protected trees that have historical value. Above all, there was no record of the vegetation structure that could help grasp the vegetation landscape of the outer area. As for the infrastructure, there was no consistent expression technique to systematically convey topographic changes such as the height and slope of the land. In addition, since there was no subtype classification defined for unit facilities and structures, there was no subject or method of documentation. This study is meaningful in that it expanded the category of documentation, which has been concentrated on buildings in old houses, to gardens, and called attention to the need for documenting the gardens for the preservation and management of old houses as an integration of the building and outer area.

• Journal of Korean Elementary Science Education
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• v.41 no.4
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• pp.658-672
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• 2022

The unique teaching and learning difficulties of speed-related units in elementary school science are mainly due to the student's lack of mathematical thinking ability and procedural knowledge on speed measurement, and curriculums and textbooks must be constructed with these in mind. To identify the implications of composing a new science curriculum and relevant textbooks, this study reviewed the structure and contents of the speed-related units of three curriculums from the 2007 revised curriculum to the 2015 revised curriculum and the resulting textbooks and examined their relevance in light of the literature. Results showed that the current content carries the risk of making students calculate only the speed of an object through a mechanical algorithm by memorization rather than grasp the multifaceted relation between traveled distance, duration time, and speed. Findings also highlighted the need to reorganize the curriculum and textbooks to offer students the opportunity to learn the meaning of speed step-by-step by visualizing materials such as double number lines and dealing with simple numbers that are easy to calculate and understand intuitively. In addition, this paper discussed the urgency of improving inquiry performance such as process skills by observing and measuring an actual object's movement, displaying it as a graph, and interpreting it rather than conducting data interpretation through investigation. Lastly, although the current curriculum and textbooks emphasize the connection with daily life in their application aspects, they also deal with dynamics-related content somewhat differently from kinematics, which is the main learning content of the unit. Hence, it is necessary to reorganize the contents focusing on cases related to speed so that students can grasp the concept of speed and use it in their everyday lives. With regard to the new curriculum and textbooks, this study proposes that students be provided the opportunity to systematically and deeply study core topics rather than exclude content that is difficult to learn and challenging to teach so that students realize the value of science and enjoy learning it.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.43-71
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• 2012

Rural Neo-Confucian Literati were major governing elite in Joseon Dynasty. They were small and medium-sized landowners all over the country and elite having Confucian knowledge. They formed villages of the same family name and exerted their influence on the community showing off their successful ancestors. Therefore, there were lots of examples that they took the actual leadership in local communities. In this sense, the Hwacheon-gun pa family line of the Andong Kweon clan were the representative rural neo-Confucian literati of Hwang-gang and Shindong areas in Jecheon. This group was formed after Kweon Sangha and his brothers' movement in 1675. Kweon was the best pupil of Song Siyeol, a prominent scholar and man of power. Although facing away the government examination, he was respected as sallim, rustic literati, on account of his teaching and writing activities and later called to High State Councillor. After his death, memorial halls and facilities to worship him, including Hwang-gang Sowon Academy, were built in the place he taught students. These facilities contributed to his descendants' acquiring his life values. They also made a contribution to the settlement of reject-heterodoxy sentiments based on their loyalty to the Myeong Dynasty in the area. Kweon Seop, Kweon Sangha's nephew, also played an important role in Hwacheon-gun pa family line's growing as rural neo-Confucian literati in Jecheon area. He built memorial halls to enshrine Kweon Sangha and made rules to develop his family line. In addition, he extended their living space over Hwang-gang area and each place had the shrine to hold a memorial service for their ancestors. As a result, Kweon Sangha and Kweon Seop's family wielded power in Jecheon for hundreds years as the same family name group. Rural neo-Confucian literati didn't produce more elite government officials than the groups in the capital, but their growth enabled cultural development of the local community and the Joseon Dynasty.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.161-180
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• 1997

There are about 400, 000 Korean ethnics living in Central Asia. Most of Koreans in Central Asia are leading a stable middle class life mostly engaged in farm work. With increase of educational attainment of their children, a number of Koreans are launching into political and academic circles as well as in the cultural world or the press. In recent years, however, the countries in this area(Uzbekistan and Kazakstan) for this study advocate an ethnic united policy to stabilize the politics and society and to carry out efficient transformation from the former socialistic economy to a market oriented economy. In addition, they are trying to recover the culture and the language of each nation which has been forgotten in the assimilation of Russia policy. Koreans have difficulty in adaption to this kind of change. In fact, a number of Koreans lost traditional culture and could not speak their mother language - Korean. Although they more or less maintain national consciousness, they recognize Uzbekistan or Kazakstan as their nation politically. They associated with North Korea unilaterally before the launching of the Perestroika policy. But after the Seoul Olympics held in 1998, there was movement to know and understand South Korea. There has been increased in the investment by Korean companies in Central Asia. Now, what is an alternative idea for Korean community consciousness\ulcorner It can be summarized as follows: 1) The increase of aid to Korean education institute : Considering the last few decades of Russia's strong racial assimilation policy, which leads most Koreans to lost their language and national culture, the priority should go to Koreans education. 2) Local Korean press support : Though Korean newspaper are published and Korean broadcasting is on the air currently in Uzbekistan and Kazakstan, they are suffering from qualified staff and poor financial status. Therefore, positive support should be established for these Korean mass communication media outlets to recover their own function and expand their dissemination powers quickly. 3) Research on the actual condition for Korean Community : It is essential to directly examine the local Korean community's regional distribution, population structure, Korean group's formation and operation, social and cultural understanding, racial consciousness, hope for their mother land and much more. 4) Increase of mother land and education opportunity : To stir up national culture and national consciousness within the Korean community, it is necessary to expand continuous opportunities for mother land visits and education training for local Koreans, especially for second and third generations.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.50-69
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• 1987

There are about 400, 000 Korean ethnics living in Central Asia. Most of Koreans in Central Asia are leading a stable middle class life mostly engaged in farm work. With increase of educational attainment of their children, a number of Koreans are launching into political and academic circles as well as in the cultural world or the press. In recent years, however, the countries in this area(Uzbekistan and Kazakstan) for this study advocate an ethnic united policy to stabilize the politics and society and to carry out efficient transformation from the former socialistic economy to a market oriented economy. In addition, they are trying to recover the culture and the language of each nation which has been forgotten in the assimilation of Russia policy. Koreans have difficulty in adaption to this kind of change. In fact, a number of Koreans lost traditional culture and could not speak their mother language - Korean. Although they more or less maintain national consciousness, they recognize Uzbekistan or Kazakstan as their nation politically. They associated with North Korea unilaterally before the launching of the Perestroika policy. But after the Seoul Olympics held in 1998, there was movement to know and understand South Korea. There has been increased in the investment by Korean companies in Central Asia. Now, what is an alternative idea for Korean community consciousness\ulcorner It can be summarized as follows: 1) The increase of aid to Korean education institute : Considering the last few decades of Russia's strong racial assimilation policy, which leads most Koreans to lost their language and national culture, the priority should go to Koreans education. 2) Local Korean press support : Though Korean newspaper are published and Korean broadcasting is on the air currently in Uzbekistan and Kazakstan, they are suffering from qualified staff and poor financial status. Therefore, positive support should be established for these Korean mass communication media outlets to recover their own function and expand their dissemination powers quickly. 3) Research on the actual condition for Korean Community : It is essential to directly examine the local Korean community's regional distribution, population structure, Korean group's formation and operation, social and cultural understanding, racial consciousness, hope for their mother land and much more. 4) Increase of mother land and education opportunity : To stir up national culture and national consciousness within the Korean community, it is necessary to expand continuous opportunities for mother land visits and education training for local Koreans, especially for second and third generations.

• Journal of the Korean Association of Geographic Information Studies
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.60-74
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• 2017

To facilitate prevention of highly pathogenic avian influenza (HPAI), a GIS is widely used for monitoring, investigating epidemics, managing HPAI-infected farms, and eradicating the disease. After the outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease in 2010 and 2011, the government of the Republic of Korea (ROK) established the GIS-based Korean Animal Health Integrated System (KAHIS) to avert livestock epidemics, including HPAI. However, the KAHIS is not sufficient for controlling HPAI outbreaks due to lack of responsibility in fieldwork, such as sterilization of HPAI-infected poultry farms and regions, control of infected animal movement, and implementation of an eradication strategy. An outbreak prediction model to support efficient HPAI control in the ROK is proposed here, constructed via analysis of HPAI outbreak patterns in the ROK. The results show that 82% of HPAI outbreaks occurred in Jeolla and Chungcheong Provinces. The density of poultry farms in these regions were $2.2{\pm}1.1/km^2$ and $4.2{\pm}5.6/km^2$, respectively. In addition, reared animal numbers ranged between 6,537 and 24,250 individuals in poultry farms located in HPAI outbreak regions. Following identification of poultry farms in HPAI outbreak regions, an HPAI outbreak prediction model was designed using factors such as the habitat range for migratory birds(HMB), freshwater system characteristics, and local road networks. Using these factors, poultry farms which reared 6,500-25,000 individuals were filtered and compared with number of farms actually affected by HPAI outbreaks in the ROK. The HPAI prediction model shows that 90.0% of the number of poultry farms and 54.8% of the locations of poultry farms overlapped between an actual HPAI outbreak poultry farms reported in 2014 and poultry farms estimated by HPAI outbreak prediction model in the present study. These results clearly show that the HPAI outbreak prediction model is applicable for estimating HPAI outbreak regions in ROK.

• Journal of Service Research and Studies
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.91-107
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• 2024

This study attempted to empirically verify the possibility of K-content for Chinese people who have recently slowed down due to restriction of movement and political and diplomatic conflicts, although it is a very meaningful market for Korea's content industry and tourism industry. As a result of the study, each item of K-content experience, national image, tourism attitude, and visit intention was derived as one factor, and only the national image factor was derived as two factors: 'functional image' and 'cultural image'. As a result of examining the influence relationship between them established based on previous studies focusing on the derived factors, all five research hypotheses were adopted. K-content experience was found to have a significant influence on both factors of the national image. It was found that it had a greater influence on cultural image factors than functional image factors, cultural image factors were found to have a greater influence on tourism attitudes, K-content experiences had a significant effect on tourism attitudes, and tourism attitudes had a significant effect on visit intentions. Based on the results of this study, it was once again confirmed that the national image even comtually bees an important factor for linking to practical tourism behavior, and in this respect, "culture" is an important key factor that can lead to practical tourism and visits. Previous national images indicate that if the functional aspect of the country was more emphasized, it is now necessary to focus more on the importance of culture than on the functional aspect. As the K-content experience has a significant effect on tourism attitude, it can have a positive effect on the formation of a positive tourism attitude that can lead to actual tourism behavior, so various efforts will be needed to form an active tourism attitude using K-content in the future. As the content and target scope of K-content are expanded and diversified, specific strategies for each sub-market using cultural contents in various fields should be established and implemented.

• Magazine of the Korean Society of Agricultural Engineers
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.861-876
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• 1965

During my stay in the Netherlands, I have studied the following, primarily in relation to the Mokpo Yong-san project which had been studied by the NEDECO for a feasibility report. 1. Unit hydrograph at Naju There are many ways to make unit hydrograph, but I want explain here to make unit hydrograph from the- actual run of curve at Naju. A discharge curve made from one rain storm depends on rainfall intensity per houre After finriing hydrograph every two hours, we will get two-hour unit hydrograph to devide each ordinate of the two-hour hydrograph by the rainfall intensity. I have used one storm from June 24 to June 26, 1963, recording a rainfall intensity of average 9. 4 mm per hour for 12 hours. If several rain gage stations had already been established in the catchment area. above Naju prior to this storm, I could have gathered accurate data on rainfall intensity throughout the catchment area. As it was, I used I the automatic rain gage record of the Mokpo I moteorological station to determine the rainfall lntensity. In order. to develop the unit ~Ydrograph at Naju, I subtracted the basic flow from the total runoff flow. I also tried to keed the difference between the calculated discharge amount and the measured discharge less than 1O~ The discharge period. of an unit graph depends on the length of the catchment area. 2. Determination of sluice dimension Acoording to principles of design presently used in our country, a one-day storm with a frequency of 20 years must be discharged in 8 hours. These design criteria are not adequate, and several dams have washed out in the past years. The design of the spillway and sluice dimensions must be based on the maximun peak discharge flowing into the reservoir to avoid crop and structure damages. The total flow into the reservoir is the summation of flow described by the Mokpo hydrograph, the basic flow from all the catchment areas and the rainfall on the reservoir area. To calculate the amount of water discharged through the sluiceCper half hour), the average head during that interval must be known. This can be calculated from the known water level outside the sluiceCdetermined by the tide) and from an estimated water level inside the reservoir at the end of each time interval. The total amount of water discharged through the sluice can be calculated from this average head, the time interval and the cross-sectional area of' the sluice. From the inflow into the .reservoir and the outflow through the sluice gates I calculated the change in the volume of water stored in the reservoir at half-hour intervals. From the stored volume of water and the known storage capacity of the reservoir, I was able to calculate the water level in the reservoir. The Calculated water level in the reservoir must be the same as the estimated water level. Mean stand tide will be adequate to use for determining the sluice dimension because spring tide is worse case and neap tide is best condition for the I result of the calculatio 3. Tidal computation for determination of the closure curve. During the construction of a dam, whether by building up of a succession of horizontael layers or by building in from both sides, the velocity of the water flowinii through the closing gapwill increase, because of the gradual decrease in the cross sectional area of the gap. 1 calculated the . velocities in the closing gap during flood and ebb for the first mentioned method of construction until the cross-sectional area has been reduced to about 25% of the original area, the change in tidal movement within the reservoir being negligible. Up to that point, the increase of the velocity is more or less hyperbolic. During the closing of the last 25 % of the gap, less water can flow out of the reservoir. This causes a rise of the mean water level of the reservoir. The difference in hydraulic head is then no longer negligible and must be taken into account. When, during the course of construction. the submerged weir become a free weir the critical flow occurs. The critical flow is that point, during either ebb or flood, at which the velocity reaches a maximum. When the dam is raised further. the velocity decreases because of the decrease\ulcorner in the height of the water above the weir. The calculation of the currents and velocities for a stage in the closure of the final gap is done in the following manner; Using an average tide with a neglible daily quantity, I estimated the water level on the pustream side of. the dam (inner water level). I determined the current through the gap for each hour by multiplying the storage area by the increment of the rise in water level. The velocity at a given moment can be determined from the calcalated current in m3/sec, and the cross-sectional area at that moment. At the same time from the difference between inner water level and tidal level (outer water level) the velocity can be calculated with the formula $h= \frac{V^2}{2g}$ and must be equal to the velocity detertnined from the current. If there is a difference in velocity, a new estimate of the inner water level must be made and entire procedure should be repeated. When the higher water level is equal to or more than 2/3 times the difference between the lower water level and the crest of the dam, we speak of a "free weir." The flow over the weir is then dependent upon the higher water level and not on the difference between high and low water levels. When the weir is "submerged", that is, the higher water level is less than 2/3 times the difference between the lower water and the crest of the dam, the difference between the high and low levels being decisive. The free weir normally occurs first during ebb, and is due to. the fact that mean level in the estuary is higher than the mean level of . the tide in building dams with barges the maximum velocity in the closing gap may not be more than 3m/sec. As the maximum velocities are higher than this limit we must use other construction methods in closing the gap. This can be done by dump-cars from each side or by using a cable way.e or by using a cable way.

• The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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• v.10
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• pp.41-61
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• 2008

The outline and characteristics of the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai'(折衷派) are as follows. Part 1. In the late Edo(江戶) period The 'Zhe Zhong Pai', which tried to take the theory and clinical treatment of the 'Hou Shi Pai (後世派)' and the 'Gu Fang Pai(古方派)' and get their strong points to make treatments perfect, appeared. Their point was 'The main part is the art of the ancients, The latter prescriptions are to be used'(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用) and the "Shang Han Lun(傷寒論)" was revered for its treatments but in actual use it was not kept at that. As mentioned above The 'Zhe Zhong Pai' viewed treatments as the base, which was the view of most doctors in the Edo period. However, the reason the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is not valued as much as the 'Gu Fang Pai' by medical history books in Japan is because the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' does not have the substantiation or uniqueness of the 'Gu Fang Pai', and also because the view of 'gather as well as store up'(兼收並蓄) was the same as the 'Kao Zheng Pai'. Moreover, the 'compromise'(折衷) point of view was from taking in both Chinese and western medical knowledge systems(漢蘭折衷). Generally the pioneer of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is seen as Mochizuki Rokumon(望月鹿門) and after that was Fukui Futei(福井楓亭), Wadato Kaku(和田東郭), Yamada Seichin(山田正珍) and Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡). Part 2. The lives of Wada Tokaku(和田東郭), Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪), Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲), the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', are as follows. First Wada Tokaku(和田東郭, 1743-1803) was born when the 'Hou Shi Pai' was already declining and the 'Gu Fang Pai' was flourishing and learned medicine from a 'Hou Shi Pai' doctor, Hu Tian Xu Shan(戶田旭山) and a 'Gu Fang Pai' doctor, Yoshimasu Todo(吉益東洞). He was not hindered by 'the old ways(古方)' and did not lean towards 'the new ways(後世方)' and formed a way of compromise that 'looked at hardness and softness as the same'(剛柔相摩) by setting 'the cure of the disease' as the base, and said that to cure diseases 'the old way' must be used, but 'the new way' was necessary to supplement its shortcomings. His works include "Dao Shui Suo Yan(導水瑣言)", "Jiao Chiang Fang Yi Je(蕉窗方意解)" and "Yi Xue Sho(醫學說)". Second. Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪, 1744-1833) was famous for leaving Yoshimasu Todo(吉益東洞) and changing to the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and in his early years used qing fen(輕粉) to cure geisha(妓女) of syphilis. His argument was "the "Shang Han Lun" must be revered but needs to be adapted", "Zhong Jing can be made into a follower but I cannot become his follower", "the later medical texts such as "Ru Men Shi Qin(儒門事親)" should only be used for its prescriptions and not its theories". His works include "Shang Han Lun Yue Yan(傷寒論約言)". Third, Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲, 1701-1735) learned medicine from Qing Shui Xian Sheng(淸水先生) and went out to Edo. In his book "Yi Jing Jie Huo Lun(醫經解惑論)" he tells of how he went from 'learning'(學) to 'skepticism'(惑) and how skepticism made him learn in 'the six skepticisms'(六惑). In the latter years Xi Zhe(希哲) combines the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing(神農本草經)", the main text for herbal medicine, "Ming Tang Jing(明堂經)" of accupuncture, basic theory texts "Huang Dui Nei Jing(皇帝內經)" and "Nan Jing(難經)" with the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun", a book that the 'Gu Fang Pai' saw as opposing to the rest, and became 'an expert of five scriptures'(五經一貫). Part 3. Asada Showhaku(淺田宗伯, 1815-1894) started medicine at Zhong Cun Zhong Zong(中村中倧) and learned 'the old way'(古方) from Yoshimasu Todo and got experience through Ouan Yue(川越) and Fu Jing(福井) and received teachings in texts, history and Wang Yangmin's principles(陽明學) fmm famous teachers. Showhaku(倧伯) meets a medical official of the makufu(幕府), Ben Kang Zong Yuan(本康宗圓), and receives help from the 3 great doctors of the Edo period, Taki Motokato(多紀元堅), Xiao Dao Xue Gu(小島學古) and Xi Duo Cun Kao(喜多村栲窻) and further develops his arts. At 47 he diagnoses the general Jia Mao(家茂) with 'heart failure from beriberi'(脚氣衡心) and becomes a Zheng Shi(徵土), at 51 he cures a minister from France and received a present from Napoleon, at 65 he becomes the court physician and saves Ming Gong(明宮) Jia Ren Qn Wang(嘉仁親王, later the 大正天皇) from bodily convulsions and becomes 'the vassal of merit who saved the national polity(國體)' At the 7th year of the Meiji(明治) he becomes the 2nd owner of Wen Zhi She(溫知社) and takes part in the 'kampo continuation movement'. In his latter years he saw 14000 patients a year, so we can estimate the qualjty and quantity of his clinical skills. Showhaku(宗伯) wrote over 80 books including the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窻書影)", "Wu Wu Yao Shi Fang Han(勿誤藥室方函)", "Shang Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術)", "Jing Qi Shen Lun(精氣神論)", "Hunag Guo Ming Yi Chuan(皇國名醫傳)" and the "Xian Jhe Yi Hua(先哲醫話)". Especially in the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窻書影) he says "the old theories are the main, and the new prescriptions are to be used"(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用), stating the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' way of thinking, In the first volume of "Shang Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術)" and "Za Bing Lun Shi(雜病論識)", 'Zong Ping'(總評), He discerns the parts that are not Zhang Zhong Jing's writings and emphasizes his theories and practical uses.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.121-141
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• 2007

The outline and characteristics of the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai'(折衷派) are as follows. Part 1. In the late Edo(江戶) period The 'Zhe Zhong Pai', which tried to take the theory and clinical treatment of the 'Hou Shi Pai (後世派)' and the 'Gu Fang Pai (古方派)' and get their strong points to make treatments perfect, appeared. Their point was 'The main part is the art of the ancients, The latter prescriptions are to be used'(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用) and the "Shang Han Lun(傷寒論)" was revered for its treatments but in actual use it was not kept at that. As mentioned above The 'Zhe Zhong Pai ' viewed treatments as the base, which was the view of most doctors in the Edo period, However, the reason the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is not valued as much as the 'Gu Fang Pai' by medical history books in Japan is because the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' does not have the substantiation or uniqueness of the 'Gu Fang Pai', and also because the view of 'gather as well as store up' was the same as the 'Kao Zheng Pai', Moreover, the 'compromise'(折衷) point of view was from taking in both Chinese and western medical knowledge systems(漢蘭折衷), Generally the pioneer of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is seen as Mochizuki Rokumon(望月鹿門) and after that was Fukui Futei(福井楓亭), Wadato Kaku(和田東郭), Yamada Seichin(山田正珍) and Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), Part 2. The lives of Wada Tokaku(和田東郭), Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪), Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲), the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', are as follows First. Wada Tokaku(和田東郭, 1743-1803) was born when the 'Hou Shi Pai' was already declining and the 'Gu Fang Pai' was flourishing and learned medicine from a 'Hou Shi Pai' doctor, Hu Tian Xu Shan(戶田旭山) and a 'Gu Fang Pai' doctor, Yoshimasu Todo(吉益東洞). He was not hindered by 'the old ways(古方), and did not lean towards 'the new ways(後世方)' and formed a way of compromise that 'looked at hardness and softness as the same'(剛柔相摩) by setting 'the cure of the disease' as the base, and said that to cure diseases 'the old way' must be used, but 'the new way' was necessary to supplement its shortcomings. His works include "Dao Shui Suo Yan", "Jiao Chiang Fang Yi Je" and "Yi Xue Sho(醫學說)" Second. Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪, 1744-1833) was famous for leaving Yoshirnasu Todo(吉益東洞) and changing to the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and in his early years used qing fen(輕粉) to cure geisha(妓女) of syphilis. His argument was "the "Shang Han Lun" must be revered but needs to be adapted", "Zhong jing can be made into a follower but I cannot become his follower", "the later medical texts such as "Ru Men Shi Qin(儒門事親)" should only be used for its prescriptions and not its theories". His works include "Shang Han Lun Yue Yan(傷寒論約言) Third. Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲, 1701-1735) learned medicine from Qing Shui Xian Sheng(淸水先生) and went out to Edo. In his book "Yi Jing Jie Huo Lun(醫經解惑論)" he tells of how he went from 'learning'(學) to 'skepticism'(惑) and how skepticism made him learn in 'the six skepticisms'(六惑). In the latter years Xi Zhe(希哲) combines the "Shen Nong Ben Cao jing(神農本草經)", the main text for herbal medicine, "Ming Tang jing(明堂經)" of accupuncture, basic theory texts "Huang Dui Nei jing(黃帝內徑)" and "Nan jing(難經)" with the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun", a book that the 'Gu Fang Pai' saw as opposing to the rest, and became 'an expert of five scriptures'(五經一貫). Part 3. Asada Showhaku(淺田宗伯, 1815-1894) started medicine at Zhong Cun Zhong(中村中倧) and learned 'the old way'(古方) from Yoshirnasu Todo and got experience through Chuan Yue(川越) and Fu jing(福井) and received teachings in texts, history and Wang Yangmin's principles(陽明學) from famous teachers. Showhaku(宗伯) meets a medical official of the makufu(幕府), Ben Kang Zong Yuan(本康宗圓), and recieves help from the 3 great doctors of the Edo period, Taki Motokato(多紀元堅), Xiao Dao Xue GU(小島學古) and Xi Duo Cun Kao Chuang and further develops his arts. At 47 he diagnoses the general Jia Mao(家茂) with 'heart failure from beriberi'(脚氣衝心) and becomes a Zheng Shi(徵I), at 51 he cures a minister from France and received a present from Napoleon, at 65 he becomes the court physician and saves Ming Gong(明宮) jia Ren Qn Wang(嘉仁親王, later the 大正犬皇) from bodily convulsions and becomes 'the vassal of merit who saved the national polity(國體)' At the 7th year of the Meiji(明治) he becomes the 2nd owner of Wen Zhi She(溫知社) and takes part in the 'kampo continuation movement'. In his latter years he saw 14000 patients a year, so we can estimate the quality and quantity of his clinical skills Showhaku(宗伯) wrote over 80 books including the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窓書影)", "WU Wu Yao Shi Fang Han(勿誤藥室方函)", "Shang Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術)", "jing Qi Shen Lun(精氣神論)", "Hunag Guo Ming Yi Chuan(皇國名醫傳)" and the "Xian Jhe Yi Hua(先哲醫話)". Especially in the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窓書影)" he says "the old theories are the main, and the new prescriptions are to be used"(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用), stating the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' way of thinking. In the first volume of "Shung Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術) and "Za Bing Lun Shi(雜病論識)", 'Zong Ping'(總評), He discerns the parts that are not Zhang Zhong Jing's writings and emphasizes his theories and practical uses.