• 한국실내디자인학회논문집
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• 제19권6호
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• pp.59-66
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to examine how the perception of lives and studies in the Joseon Dynasty period, and the concept of its sculptures can be reflected in Korean traditional pavilion place, from the perspective of Nomadism as a western philosophy of this era. Nomadism literally refers to way of life of peoples who do not live continually in the same place but move cyclically searching for temporary centres whose stability depends on the availability of food and water supply or pastures for their livestock. In recent years, the term encompasses three general types: job nomads, digital nomads and ubi-nomads, which represent distinct features of modern society. Its concept implies looking for the new creative possibility through the liberation of desire and the breakaway to another thinking through continuous formation and transformation. Likewise, Korean traditional pavilion is the architecture to take a quick rest while walking in the mountains. This open place thus connects surroundings with people who are allowed to assimilate with nature as well as train their mind by following the law of nature, in order to finally reach the celestial state of mind. Knowing how to see, enjoy and appreciate the arts very close to nature, our ancestors were able to learn aesthetic activities. After recognizing Korean traditional pavilion as the potential place of unification of heaven and men which is Korean scholor's lifestyle and outlook on the world, this study accordingly will identify the value and meaning of Korean traditional architecture according to Nomadism in the occidental point of view.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제20권5호
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• pp.81-94
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• 2011

Buddhism that has arisen in India began to build the Stupa to enshrine body and Sari of Buddha as an object of worship. The stupa existed as a tome of holy leaders even before the birth of Buddha, which was called stupa or tupa in the Sanskrit and the Pali, the ancient language of India. The stupa was renamed accordingly in each Buddhism transmitted countries such as Ceylon, Tibet, Nepal, Myanmar, Thailand and China and also reshaped according to their own formative style. But its original meaning and type are kept unchanged. The stupa was established in the 4 holy places including the birth place of Buddha, the place where Buddha found enlightenment, the place where Buddha preached for the first time, and the place where Buddha died. Thus, a pagoda to commemorate holy ancient places is called Chaitya, which became differentiated from the stupa in which Sari is enshrined. The stupa means Nirvana, the eternal body of Buddha, and also a place filled with teaching and preaching of Buddhism. It signifies the symbol of Buddha who escaped from the death and rebirth, to achieve complete extinction, i.e. parinirvana, and to reach ultimate eternal world, rather than simply means death. During the non-statue of th Buddha period, people built the stupa to embody Nirvana of the Buddha, and worshipped the tomb where body of holy saints was enshrined. On the other hand, they also sanctified memorial things such as tools that holy saints used, the Bo tree under which one achieved Nirvana, Dharma cakra that implied words, footprint that carried out mission work, and a way to reach to heaven.

• 복식
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• 제56권7호
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• pp.1-17
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• 2006

This study purposed to examine Korean people's white clothes custom historically and to explain the aesthetic consciousness latent in the custom. Korean people preferred white clothes, even up to foreigners called them White-clad folk. Not only as in old historical literatures, but also in Soo-suh, Shin-Dang-suh including Sam-Kuk-Ji in China, white clothes were a real symbol to Korean people, ranging chronically far back to the age of ancient tribal countries, Sam-Kuk Period through Koryo Dynasty and even to modern age near the end of Chosun Dynasty, wearing with pleasure regardless of age, sex or social position. Even King himself in Koryo Dynasty is said to have worn white clothes when he was out of official hours. During the Koryo and Chosun Dynasty, white clothes were sometimes prohibited for various reasons including conflicts with the theories of yin-yang and the five elements but such regulations were not effective. To Korean people, white clothes were ordinary people's everyday dress as well as noble people's plain suits, saints' uniforms with religious meanings, ceremonial costumes, funeral garments, etc. The various uses show that white clothes have been worn by many people. The unique custom that a People have worn white clothes consistently for such a long time may contain very deep symbolic meanings representing the people's sentiments and spirits. The present study understood that the meanings come from religious sacredness, magical wish for brightness, the pursuit of purity originating from the people's national traits, assimilation with nature and the will to attain whole ascetic personality. Aesthetic attitudes based on aesthetic values summed up as sacredness, brightness, purity, assimilation with nature, asceticism, etc. are the aesthetic consciousness pursued by Koreans through their white clothes. For Koreans, white color is the origin of their color sense coming from primitive religions such as worshipping the sun and the heaven. In this way, Korean people's preference for white clothes began with primitive religions, was mixed with various social, cultural and religious influences and finally was settled as their durable spirit, symbol and beauty.

• Journal of Astronomy and Space Sciences
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• 제26권3호
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• pp.375-402
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• 2009

한국의 전통 천문학은 과거 중국의 영향을 받아 여러 면에서 중국과 비슷하지만 별자리 모양이나 별이름 등에서 중국과 구별되는 특징을 가지고 있다. 이 연구에서는 규장각에 보관중인 조선 초기의 보천가와 중국 수대(隋代, $581{\sim}618$) 왕희명(王希明)이 저술한 보친가를 비교하여 분석하였다. 두 보천가에 그려진 천문도 별자리 모양과 연결선 그리고 본문 설명에 대하여 각각 비교하였다. 두 책을 비교 분석한 결과 별자리 설명의 여러 부분에서 전반적인 차이가 있음을 확인하였다. 첫째 두 서적의 구성에서 서문과 삼원 별자리, 은하수 설명은 확연한 차이를 보여 준다. 둘째, 보천가에 그려진 전반적 별자리 그림은 비슷하지만 별자리의 연결선과 별의 개수가 여러 곳에서 다르게 그려져 있다. 셋째, 조선의 보천가는 중국 왕희명 보천가와 달리 별자리 설명에서 별의 색깔을 표현하고 있다. 이러한 두 나라 보천가의 차이점과 조선 보친가의 고유한 특징을 찾아 논문에 정리하였다. 조선 보천가와 중국 보천가의 여러 차이점은 우리 고유의 천문지식과 체계가 고려시대 이전부터 꾸준히 전해져 왔음을 짐작케 한다.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제6권
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• pp.89-130
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• 1993

Huh-joon's medical thoughts shown on his medical book of the Doog-Eui-Bo-Kham can be summerized as follows. 1. The general trend of medical science in Koryo dynasty is that much more interests were concentrated upon the books about curative means rather than upon the books about theoretical knowledge of medical science. With the development of Hyang Yak(鄕樂) (the term referring either various kinds of domestic medical stuffs such as herbs or the curative methods using those stuffs) and the writing of books on Hyang Yak, independent medical science of the nation's own was established in late Koryo dynasty. And the national medical science was continuously further developed until early Choson dynasty. Briskly-expanded mutual exchanges with China in early Choson dynasty provided Choson opportunities to import Chinese medical science and to examine it. Under this circumstances, he wrote the Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham. 2. As we look over the preface and Chip-Rae-Muo(集例文), we can find the characterstic of Doog-Eui-Bo-Kham is that the philosophical theory of Taoism was quoted in explaining the principles of his medical science and that the main idea of Naekyuog is the basis in explaining the way of curing diseases. 3. 83 kinds of medical books were quoted in the Doog-Eui-Bo-Kham. Besides, as many as 200 kinds of books including Tao-tzu's teaching books(道書), history books(史書), almanac(曆書), and Confucius' teaching books(儒家書籍) were quoted in total. Naekyuog and Eue-Hak-Ip-Mun, Dan-Kye-Sim-Bup were the most frequently quoted books among them. 4. Huh-Joon's medical thoughts about health care were like these. 1) The reason why Huh-Joon regarded the idea of health care as of great importance was that he laid much more emphasises on the preventive medicines rather than on the remedial medicines. The direct reason was that he was greatly influenced by profound knowledge of Taoist's study of discipline and who participated in the editing the books from the beginning. 2) Huh-Joon's outlook on human body started from the theory of "Unity of Heaven and Man"(天人合一論), which implied man was a kind of miniature universe. In addition to that, he largely theory of essence(精), vital force(氣), and spirit(神) which were regarded very important as the three most valuable properties in Taoism. However, he took his medical ground on practical and pragmatic idea that he did not discuss fundamental essence(元精), fundamental vital force(元氣), and fundamental spirit(元神) which were given by Heaven from the received only the theory of essence, vital force, and spirit which were acquired after birth and worked mainly on realistic activity of life. 3) Huh-loon accepted Do-In-Bup(導引法) sharply as a method to prevent and cure diseases. 5. Huh-loon's medical thoughts on remedial aspects are as 1) Naekyung was considered so important in Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham that not only each paragraph was begun with the Quotations from Nackyung but also the edited order of the content of the book the same with that of Naekyung. And differently from the former korean medical books he accepted at large and recorded the theories of the four noted physicians of the Geum-Won era(金元四大家) by Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham. 2) For the first time, Huh-Joon introduced the theory of Un-Ki (運氣論) in the Dong-Eui-Bo-Kahm. However, he accepted it as a pathological function of human body but he did not apply physical constitution, physiological function, pathological function, and remedial methods. 3) Huh-loon liked to use Hyang Yak that he recorded korean name of Hyang Yak(鄕名), places of the production(産地), the time of collecting(採取時月), and the way of drying herbs(陰陽乾正法) in the remedial method of a single medicine prescription for diseases at the end of each paragraph. By doing so, he developed, arranged, and revived Hyang Yak. 4) He believed that since the natural features of China were different from those of Korea the reasons of being attacked with its remedial methods couldn't be the same with different from Chinese medical books which primarily focused on paralysis and the injury of the cold has his own structure in his book that he founded independent science of this nation. He consulted enormous documents He discovered and wrote the theory and therefore concrete methods for diseases so that the book hadthe principles of outbreak of diseases(理), methods of cure(法), prescription(方), and a single medicine prescription(藥) and set system of medical science in a good order. By doing so, he and pragmatic development of medical science.

• 조형예술학연구
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• 제11권
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• pp.153-199
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• 2007

동양회화에서 '형사(形似)'와 '신사(神似)'는 대상을 표현하는데 중요한 화두로 인식되었으며 특히 인물화에서는 인물의 정신을 전달하는데 있어 '형사'와 '신사'는 더욱 중요하게 다루어져 왔다. 고개지(顧愷之, 약$345{\sim}406$)는 형사와 신사를 표현하는데 있어 '전신(傳神)'의 개념을 명확하게 제시함으로써 회화비평의 중요한 기준으로 삼았다. 그는 먼저 형(形)을 통해 정신을 드러낼 수 있음(이형사신(以形寫神))을 제시함으로써 창작자는 작품에 '의(意)'를 그려내고 감상자는 표현된 '의'를 체험하는 것을 중요한 예술행위로 인식하였다. 따라서 인물화는 형상의 재현이라기보다는 그려진 대상의 인격과 성품을 드러내는 것이며, 창작자 스스로 인격을 도야하여 성인의 도(道)를 표출하는 것을 예술이라 여김으로써 예술적 심미주체인 작가의 의를 중시하였는데 이른바 이것이 전신의 개념으로 발전되었다. 본고에서는 고개지의 '전신사조론(傳神寫照論)'이 소식(蘇軾)의 '사의론(寫意論)'으로 계승되고 이러한 사상이 한국에서는 이형사신(以形寫神)의 원리에 충실한 윤두서(尹斗緖)의 '화도론(畵道論)'으로 이어지는 사의론의 전개과정을 알아보고자 한다. 또한 인물화에 내재된 사의성에 대하며 논하고자 하는데 작품에서 형사와 신사의 구분이 모호하듯 '사의성(寫意性)'의 판단의 기준 또한 명확하게 정의하기는 쉽지 않으나, 역대 작품분석을 통하여 보면 작품제작 시 입의단계(立意段階)에서 작가와 대상과의 관계가 중요하며 본고에서는 그 요소를 네 가지로 제시하였다. 현대미술은 기법의 홍수라 여길 정도로 많은 기법들이 혼재하고 있으며 마치 상품 특허를 내듯 기법이 작가를 대신하는 현상이 벌어지고 있는 현실이다. 본 논문은 인물화에 내재된 '사의성을 파악함으로써 기법 보다는 작가의 구사인 의(意)가 중요함을 입증하여 무분별하게 유행에 편승하는 기법의 남용보다는 창작자의 철학적 기반과 정신적 수양이 중요함을 주장하고 사의론과 실제 인물화를 대입시켜 살펴봄으로서 동양회화의 특성인 사의성을 규명하여 살펴보는데 그 목적이 있다.

• 대순사상논총
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• 제32집
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• pp.31-76
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• 2019

이상호는 구천상제에 대한 기록으로 최초로 1926년 『증산천사공사기』를 발간했으며, 3년 뒤 다시 자료를 보완 증보하여 경전의 형태를 띤 『대순전경』을 발간하였다. 이후 『대순전경』은 1965년 6판까지 증보 간행되었다. 『전경』의 「행록」편(編)은 상제의 강세와 화천까지를 기록한 부분이다. 「행록」은 연도별로 되어있으며 5개 장(章)이다. 「행록」은 상제의 전 생애를 기록한 것으로 그 구절은 『전경』의 다른 편의 내용을 종합적으로 담고 있다. 이글은 다음과 같은 세 가지 목적 하에 기술되었다. 첫째 상제의 전 생애가 축약되어 기록된 「행록」 구절의 내용이 어떠한가를 살펴보고, 둘째로 「행록」 구절이 『전경』의 다른 6개 장(章)과 그 내용상의 상관성이 어떠한가를 찾아보았다. 마지막으로 「행록」 구절의 변이를 『대순전경』 (1965)과 비교하여 논의해 보았다. 「행록」의 내용을 『대순전경』과 비교해 보면 「행록」에만 있는 구절들이 있는데, 먼저 그것은 강씨성의 유래에서 강신농으로부터 상제께서 강세한 고부에 강씨가 어떻게 살게 되었는가를 설명한 부분이다. 이는 상제께서 인간 세상에 강(姜)씨로 오고 신격위에 강성(姜聖)이 있는 면에서 기술되어야 할 중요한 기록이다. 또 상제께서 강세한 지역에 삼신산(三神山)이 있고 강세지의 명칭이 변천한 것은 신이한 면이 있지만 두 기록은 대순사상과 깊은 상관성을 보여준다. 다음으로 시루산 공부에 관한 기록이다. 『대순전경』에는 시루산 공부에 대한 내용이 전혀 없다. 따라서 3년간의 주유(周遊) 이후 천지공사 이전 상제의 행적에 있어 시루산 공부는 대단히 중요한 의미를 주는 전승으로 평가할 수 있다. 『전경』의 기록만이 상제의 시루산 공부에 대해 유일하게 비중 있는 단서를 제공해 주고 있는 것이다. 아울러 백의군왕 백의장군 도수, 상제의 화천 등에서도 『전경』의 내용은 『대순전경』과 다른 면모에서 변이상 차이점을 보여준다.

• 대순사상논총
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• 제36집
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• pp.117-152
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• 2020

대순사상에서 마테오 리치는 기독교의 종장으로 높이 평가받고 있다. 본 논문은 종교적 인간으로서 리치의 삶과 사상이 지니는 의미를 종교현상학적 관점에서 탐색할 것이다. 리치가 살았던 시대적 배경과 그의 생애를 분석하고, 그의 신관과 인간관 및 구원관을 중심으로 탐구하여 리치가 대순사상에서 지닌 관계성을 재평가할 것이다. 이탈리아에서 태어난 리치는 예수회 선교사가 되어서 중국에 다양한 문물을 전하였다. 그는 예수회의 중국 친화적인 선교정책에 따라서 중국문화에 공감하며 언어를 배우고 중국인을 벗으로 삼아서 서양의 종교와 문화를 전달하였다. 그는 중국의 미래를 낙관하는 여덟 가지 이유를 제시하였고, 이해와 설득의 간접 선교의 방식으로 중국인들에게 기독교메시지를 가르쳤다. 예수회신부들은 중국에서 기독교의 신을 천주라고 불렀는데, 리치는 유교의 상제를 기독교의 천주와 동일하게 간주하였다. 유교경전의 번역과 해석을 토대로 원시유교의 유일신론을 기독교와 유교의 공통점으로 파악하였다. 불교와 도교의 신관을 비판하면서 유교의 신관을 통해 기독교의 신관을 정당화하였다. 리치의 인간관은 기독교의 창조신앙을 기초로 하였고 불교의 윤회를 비판하였다. 리치는 천국과 지옥의 개념을 사용하여 기독교의 윤리성과 구원관을 제시하였다. 대순사상과 리치의 관계성에 대해서는, 1) 동서양세계 간 상호교류에 대한 기여, 2) 대화와 설득에 기반을 둔 평화적 포교방식, 3) 기독교의 종장으로서의 다양한 활동, 4) 종교의 치유하는 기적에 대한 믿음과 조선으로의 유입 등의 차원에서 의미를 찾았다. 리치의 궁극적인 목적은 기독교와 유교의 신관이 지닌 공통점을 강조하면서 동서의 세계관을 교류하고 통합시키는 것이었다.

• 대순사상논총
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• 제18권
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• pp.101-122
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• 2004

When people discuss the continental cultural elements in the ancient East Asian culture, people always attach great importance to the two major cultures of Confucianism and Taoism, but offer little explanation to the significant influence of the theory of yin and yang, the important philosophical base of the two major cultures. The theory of yin and yang, existing as the theoretical source at a profounder level, possesses philosophical connotations that are always embedded into the mainstream of thought, religions and customs, displaying its unique glamour in its unique way. Its influence is more than that, however. It has exerted far-reaching influence on and is of significant importance to the development of the ancient culture of East Asia. This article aims at exploring this field of study. After the erudite scholar of The Five Classics made a voyage to the east in the early sixth century, The Book of Changes, the most important Chinese ancient classic expounding the theory of yin and yang, started to circulate among the Japanese court, via Baiji in the Korea Peninsula. As a result, the theory of yin and yang found its way to Japan. Examining the spreading channels, we learn that the theory's dissemination was largely related to the activities of Buddhist monks. Shoutoku Prince, regent of Japan at the time, was himself an enthusiastic supporter of Buddhism and was excelled in the study of The Book of Changes and the theory of yin and yang. In the Twelve Ranks System and Seventeen-article Constitution promulgated by Shoutoku Prince, the influence of the theory of yin and yang and of the theory of the five elements can be visibly discerned. This obviously proves the sublime status of the Chinese theory of yin and yang in Japan, thanks to the victory of the political clique that adored Buddhism. In the shaping course of ancient Japanese culture, the theory of yin and yang served as an important philosophical source of its development. Mythology based on Kojiki and Nihon Shoki, two earliest Japanese books that exist today, record mythological stories about the emergence of the Japanese nation. The notion about the birth of heaven and earth and the forming of Japanese Shinto, expressed in the mythological stories, not only tell us the source and historical progress of the Japanese nation but also the nation's world outlook in the transition from barbarian period to civilized period, as well as the basis for its philosophical thinking. All these were marked with profound influence of the Chinese theory of yin and yang. The theory of yin and yang, as one of the ancient Chinese academic thoughts, was accepted asa political belief when it first spread to Japan. The emergence and establishment of both the Mikado system and the centralized regime in ancient Japan drew largely on the theory of yin and yang and adopted it as an important philosophical basis to deify and aggrandize the "imperial power" so as to protect the authority of the imperial ruling and consolidate the established regime. Following the continuous strengthening and expansion of the centralized state power, the theory of yin and yang was further employed, and gradually "hidden" in Japanese culture with the passage of time, finally becoming the edge tool of ancient Japanese Mikados in exercising political power and controlling the country.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제14권3호
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• pp.39-52
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• 2005

This study relates to the architectural planning principle of Gyeonghoeru pavilion, one of the major buildings in Gyeongbokgung palace. The study is concentrated on The Book of Gyeonghoeru Pavilion written by Jeong Haksun in 1865 during the reconstruction of Gyeonghoeru pavilion. The architectural planning principle of Gyeonghoeru pavilion disclosed in The Book of Gyeonghoeru Pavilion appears to be 'the method of expanding with six by six system'. 'The method of expanding with six by six system' means a way of continuously extending the number related to 6 by addition, subtraction, multiplication and division, and reflecting to architecture, having number 6 as the basic number. Number 6 means a large amount of water in East Asian philosophy, Applying 'the method of expanding with six by six system' to the architecture of Gyeonghoeru includes an intention to prevent fire in a way of a type of incantation because Korean traditional wooden buildings are we to fire. Since Gyeonghoeru is surrounded by a pond and was constructed based on the number 6 having a strength of water, it was believed that it could be safe from fire. This study compares the contents disclosed in The Book of Gyeonghoeru Pavilion with the construction of Gyeonghoeru to find out how the number 6 was applied to the overall construction of Gyeonghoeru. From the fact that the total number of km of Gyeonghoeru is 36 ($6{\times}6$), the number of pillars is 42 ($6{\times}7$), and the number of windows and doors is multiples of 6, it has been found out that the number 6 is deeply related to the overall construction of Gyeonghoeru. In addition to the fact that the construction of Gyeonghoeru can be explained by 'the method of expanding with six by six system', The Book of Gyeonghoeru Pavilion also discloses parts where Diagram of Hotu, Later Heaven Arrangement and Arrangement of 64 Hexagrams are applied. Therefrom, it has been found out that Gyeonghoeru pavilion was constructed by applying the principles of East Asian philosophy based on The Book of Changes.