• Title/Summary/Keyword: the Odes

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A Study on the View on Nature in Ch'o-Jung's Three-Verse Poems(Sijo) (초정(艸丁) 김상옥(金相沃) 시조(時調)에 나타난 자연관(自然觀))

  • Choi, Heung-Yeol
    • Sijohaknonchong
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    • v.30
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    • pp.263-300
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    • 2009
  • Adoration for nature constitutes one of the primary subjects that literature has tackled since the origin of human history. Nature expressed through a poet's subjective imagination is the internalized and reorganized nature. This study examines the view on nature enacted in Ch'o-Jung's three-verse poems (sijo) in light of the traditional views on nature implicated in the ancient three-verse poems (koshijo), which is in line with the long-established Oriental view on nature. To dignitaris(sadaebu) in the Chosun Dynasty, nature appeared as the idealistic subject for moral culture ($shims{\breve{o}}ngsuyang$), which also becomes the literary space where the purity and justice of the world view of Neo-Confucianism(Sungrihak) is contained in the form of the three-verse poem, the lyrical poetic space where the "I" is united with nature by way of "enjoying of wind and moon"($umpungnongw{\breve{o}}i$) and "living in quiet retiremen"($yuyuchaj{\breve{o}}k$), and the object for the poetical perception of the surrounding world. Ch'o-Jung' s three-verse odes are found in Reed pipe ($Ch'oj{\breve{o}}k$), Sixty Five Pieces of Three-Verse Odes (Samhaengshi-$yukshipopy{\breve{o}}n$), Autumn Fragrance ($Hyangginam{\check{u}}n-ga{\check{u}}l$), and The Words of Zelko va Tree ($N{\check{u}}tinamu{\check{u}}i-mal$). This study analyzes 212 pieces of Ch'o-Jung' s three-verse poems chosen from theses books. In Ch'o-Jung's poems, the traditional view on nature expressed in the ancient three-verse poems is rendered in such a way that metaphysical understanding of nature is indirectly transmitted through the objective correlatives found nature. Nature is no longer the object of straightforward utterance, but transformed, displaced, and removed: that way, nature gets objectified to form a complicated and multi-layered structure. In conclusion, the view on nature manifested in Ch'o-Jung's three-verse poems is based on traditional metaphysics. Second, nature is the object of lyrical nostalgia and adoration. Third, nature is imbued with the fundamental affection for parents. Fourth, nature is associated with organic life. Fifth, the nature in Ch'o-Jung's poems reveals the beauty of stillness endorsed in Lao-tse's and Chung-tze's philosophy. And last, nature is the agent for self-realization and meditation.

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Characteristics of Bansu at Sunggyungwan in Joseon Dynasty (조선시대 성균관 반수(泮水)의 연원과 특성)

  • Jung, Woo-jin;Sim, Woo-Kyung
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.45 no.3
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    • pp.238-261
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    • 2012
  • This research was carried out about the Bansu which surrounded the Sunggyungwan(成均館), national university in the Joseon Dynasty to get the main characteristics of the landscape at Korean traditional school campus by analyzing cultural meaning and historical origin. The earliest record about the Bansu was in "The Book of Odes(詩經)" as Bansu was the water flowing near the Ban palace(泮宮). But, in the following time, Bansu has become the symbol of the school which was built by the feudal lords and one of very important elements in the temple-school(廟學) landscape. The Bansu of Sunggyungwan at Joseon Dynasty was the streams flowing at the east and west of the school campus and get together at the south. Sunggyungwan was located in the sacred place which followed the special organization of Bansu at the beginning of the Joseon Dynasty. And, Bansu in Joseon Dynasty was influenced by the Bansu in Song Dynasty(宋), but it was different from the Bansu in Ming and Qing Dynasty which has been formulated as the halfround pond in front of the school. This research tried to find the reason why in the Josenon Dynasty the stream flowing around the school was regarded as the Bansu. Bansu was also regarded as an important element in the public school, Hyanggyo(鄕校) and the private Seowon(書院). According to this research, the streams which flows around the Seowon or the Hyanggyo were found as called Bansu. Water stream around the Hyanggyo and the Seowon in the Joseon Dynasty has to be reconsidered under the deep research on the organization of Ban-su.

Historical Studies on the Transformational and Developing Process of Bansu at the Temple-School in China (중국 묘학 반수(泮水)의 변천과 전개양상)

  • Jung, Woo-Jin;Yan, Shaochi;Sim, Woo-Kyung
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.29 no.4
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    • pp.182-197
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    • 2011
  • This research was carried out to investigate the history and development process of the Bansu(泮水) which appeared uniquely at the Chinese 'temple-school(廟學)', Confucian schools as the common and necessary facility through the literature reviews and field surveys. The earliest record about the Bansu was shown in "The Book of Odes(詩經)". Originally Bansu was the water system which flowed near the 'Banpalace(泮宮)', but, in the following time, Bansu has become the symbol of the school which was built by the feudal lords and a very important element in the temple-school landscape. Temple-schools were started at Song(宋) Dynasty and at that time there was no certain form of Bansu, just the natural water course near the structure. Until Ming Dynasty, the "Picture of the Feudal lords' Ban-su" in the book "Samjedohoe(三才圖會)" that compiled by Wang-Xi(王圻), the form of Bansu was appeared to be transformed as the half-round pond. And the half-round pond as called Banji(泮池) of today's form was all rebuilt after Ming Dynasty. The half-moon pond appeared at the private houses, shrines, temples and villages were influenced by the book. From this research we can get the conclusions that Banji seemed one of the sacred one and used in the space arrangement formally for the various functions. This research has found the cultures of half-moon ponds which were used uniquely in China.

A Study on the Changes of the Form of costume related to the recognition of the beauty of the body -from prehistorical period to Ch'ing Dynasty in Chinese female costume- (인체미 인식과 복식형태의 변천 - 선사~청대까지 중국 여성복식을 중심으로-)

  • 김민지
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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    • v.32
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    • pp.225-242
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    • 1997
  • This study is historical research on the relationship between the Changes of the Form of costume and the recognition of the beauty of the body from prehistorical period to Ch'ing Dynasty in Chinese female costume. In figure painting a significant point was to describe the spirit of the figure so Chinese painters were less interested in ideal body pro-portion or body shape than Westerns. But idealized beauty of the female body existed and changed keeping abreast with the form of costume in each period. In the prehistorical period Wemen fasten waist belt so enabled to distinguish upper part of the body from lower one. "Locust-forehead moth-eyebrows(蝗首蛾毛)" recorded in "the Book of odes(詩經)" was the canon of beaty and Wemen tried to make their forehead broad and square from Zhou Dynasty to the Wei Jin periods. From the age of Civil War to han Dynasty Slender waist was loved so waist was tightly fastened and hemline became broader. in the course of that time Plump body in big cloth with broad sleeve emerged but that was less significant than Tang Dynasty. During Wei Jin and the Southern/Northern Dynasty undergo disruption and division they admired Taoist images. Loose fitting style with handkerchief hemline and broad sash belt was prevailed while miserable life was reflected gaunt face and lean body. Suk Dynasty also preferred a slim and long body silhouette. The style was presented extremely high waist line long and narrow sleeve slim and long skirt which expressed dynamic and straight image. The culture of Tang Dynasty was open and diverse and that character enabled blod decolletate revealing body line by tight fitting and special make-up-Social background of uion and stabilization made female body extremely plump full face. full breast and hips with most erotic image. The period of Kaiyuan Tianbao fashioned mannish disguise presented androgynous image. Five Dynasty and Song Dynasty restored standard body type so upper garments concealed neck and bust high waist line lowered which represented refined and simple outfit. But another eroticism emerged as foot-binding in Song Dynasty. For the sake of covering up deformed top of the feet and ankle gaiters and arrow shaped shoes were devised. During Ming Ch'ing Dynasties body shape became more slim weak and young causing to escort instinct that reflects 'Lust' or 'Mundanity'.

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Biological Control of Onion Maggot and Tobacco Cutworm with Insect-parasitic Nematodes, Steinernema feltiae and Heterorhabditis heliothidis (곤충기생성 성충, Steinernema feltiae와 Heterorhabditis heliothidis를 이용한 고자리파리 및 담배거세미나방의 생물적 방제)

  • ;Harry K.Kaya;David K. Red
    • Korean journal of applied entomology
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    • v.27 no.4
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    • pp.185-189
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    • 1988
  • Laboratory trials were conducted for control of onion maggot and tobacco cutworm with ento¬mogenous nematodes. The onion maggot, Delia antiqua, was exposed to Steinernema feltiae at concentration of 0,30,60, 120 or 240 nematodes per larva, and to Heterorhabditis heliot-hidis at concentration of 0, 10, 20, 40 or 80 nematodes per larva. Mortalities of the maggot ranged from 80 to 100% in S. feltiae and from 63.3 to 100% in H. heliothidis. The tobacco cutworm, SpodoPtera litura was exposed to S. feltiae at concentration of 0,50,100,200 or 400 nematodes per larva and to H. heliothidis at concentration of 0,20,40,80 or 160 nemat¬odes per larva with or without kale in petri dish. The 3rd instar larvae of the tobacco cutworm was more susceptible to both nematode species than the 4th or 5th instar at low concentration. Mortalities of the 3rd instar were 100% in S. feltiae and 67.7-100% in H. heliothidis while those of 4th and 5th instar ranged 76.7-100% and 43.3-100% in S. feltiae, and 36.7-90% and 3.3-90% in H. heliothidis, respectively. Mortalities of the tobacco cutworm larvae decreased when the nematodes were sprayed on the kale leaves in petri dish except 3rd instar.

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Closed Integral Form Expansion for the Highly Efficient Analysis of Fiber Raman Amplifier (라만증폭기의 효율적인 성능분석을 위한 라만방정식의 적분형 전개와 수치해석 알고리즘)

  • Choi, Lark-Kwon;Park, Jae-Hyoung;Kim, Pil-Han;Park, Jong-Han;Park, Nam-Kyoo
    • Korean Journal of Optics and Photonics
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    • v.16 no.3
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    • pp.182-190
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    • 2005
  • The fiber Raman amplifier(FRA) is a distinctly advantageous technology. Due to its wider, flexible gain bandwidth, and intrinsically lower noise characteristics, FRA has become an indispensable technology of today. Various FRA modeling methods, with different levels of convergence speed and accuracy, have been proposed in order to gain valuable insights for the FRA dynamics and optimum design before real implementation. Still, all these approaches share the common platform of coupled ordinary differential equations(ODE) for the Raman equation set that must be solved along the long length of fiber propagation axis. The ODE platform has classically set the bar for achievable convergence speed, resulting exhaustive calculation efforts. In this work, we propose an alternative, highly efficient framework for FRA analysis. In treating the Raman gain as the perturbation factor in an adiabatic process, we achieved implementation of the algorithm by deriving a recursive relation for the integrals of power inside fiber with the effective length and by constructing a matrix formalism for the solution of the given FRA problem. Finally, by adiabatically turning on the Raman process in the fiber as increasing the order of iterations, the FRA solution can be obtained along the iteration axis for the whole length of fiber rather than along the fiber propagation axis, enabling faster convergence speed, at the equivalent accuracy achievable with the methods based on coupled ODEs. Performance comparison in all co-, counter-, bi-directionally pumped multi-channel FRA shows more than 102 times faster with the convergence speed of the Average power method at the same level of accuracy(relative deviation < 0.03dB).

A Study of Perspective on Cheon Gwan(天觀) of Toegye (퇴계(退溪)의 천관(天觀) 연구(硏究))

  • Hwang, Sang Hee
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.56
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    • pp.147-170
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    • 2014
  • To divide by the concept of Cheon (天) before and after the period of Song Dynasty: before Song Dynasty; according to the ancient Book of Odes (Sigyeong-詩經), "Cheon (天) gives birth to a large number of people", and, Confucius(孔子) say "Cheon(天) gave me Virtue(德)." Mencius(孟子) say "The person done with all his heart knows Seong(性, personality), so if he knows such Seong(性, personality), then he knows Cheon(天)." In Doctrine of the Mean(中庸), it says "Cheon(天) ordered it to be called - Seong(性, personality)." So, Cheon(天) had a religious meaning, such as Sangje(上帝) - Supreme Ruler. During the Song period, Cheon(天), the source of its existence, had construed as Mugeuk i Taegeuk Non(無極而太極論 - Theory of Supreme Ultimate while being Indeterminate) and Theory of li and ki (iginon-理氣論). Juja (朱子, a honorary name of Juhui, 朱熹) had said a reasonable Cheon(天), that is, Heavenly Principle (天理 - Cheolli) by interpreting Cheon(天) as Taegeuk(太極 - Supreme Polarity) and li(理) of Muwi(無爲 - uncontrived action). That's why Juja had lost the religiosity because of his reasonable frame. The purpose of this dissertation is to identify of the quality of being religious of li(理) on the basis of attribute of Cheon(天) argued by Toegye and Juja. In the text of Seomyeong(西銘 - Western Inscription), we can see their interpretation of the content that Toegye as "西銘考證講義"(Lecture on Historical Research of Western Inscription), and Juja as "西銘解"(Commentary on the Western Inscription). Seomyeong(西銘 - Western Inscription) was expounded as a logic of 'iil bunsu' (理一分殊 - coherence is one and distinguished into many). '理一分殊' means to live in as meaningful as possible according to the human nature that has been bestowed upon thyself. Juja and Toegye both said that in the aspect of 'iil'(理一 - coherence is one), Reverence(事天) ought to be done, but to look into the aspect of 'bunsu'(分殊-distinguished into many), Juja argued that people should follow the order of Heavenly Principle(天理 - Cheolli), and Toegye argued that people should have to perform the filial piety(孝). There are differences in methods of Toegye and Juja on account of distinction between attributes of Cheon(天). Such a distinction affects the attribute of li(理). Juja said divisively that Soiyeon(所以然-why its principle is so) is li(理), and Sodangyeon(所當然-what should be so) is Sa(事-divine project). Toegye argued that Sodangyeon(所當然-what should be so) is indeed li(理). It is the position of Toegye that to know Seong(性-the personality) of Sodangyeon(所當然-what should be so) is the first, rather than to know Cheon(天) of Soiyeon(所以然-why its principle is so) that is out of reach in a faraway place. Seong(性-the personality) is li(理) that bestowed by Cheon(天). In view of discussion about the essence and existence, for Toegye, the existence is the first, rather than the essence. The issues of existence is now enabled to talk about amid the discussion of metaphysics, namely li(理). Different from Juja, a theory noticed in Toegye is the theory of 'Lijado'(理自到). 'Lijado'(理自到) denotes 'Li(理) leads on their own.' It tells that separate from thing-in-itself, there is an energy that moves and oversees the thing. This is an issue of response between "I" as the principal agent and other people. If "I" as the principal agent is sincere to others, the others will come to me insomuch as they will be revealed through me. Here, a problem between the host and guest arises. Toegye perceived this problem that do not see me and others as same, and also do not see me and others as two. This is the logic of 'ilii iiil'(一而二 二而一 - looks like one but two, looks like two but one) of '理一分殊' (coherence is one and distinguished into many). The first thing to do between these two processes is to recognize the existence of 'iil'(理一). Toegye strongly displays a religious attitude identifying Cheon(天)=Li (理)=Sangje(上帝- Supreme Ruler) in the same light.