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Studies on Nutrio-physiology of Low Productive Rice Plants (수도저위생산력(水稻低位生産力)의 원인구명(原因究明)에 관(關)한 영양생리적연구(營養生理的硏究))

  • Park, Jun-Kyu
    • Applied Biological Chemistry
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    • v.17 no.1
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    • pp.1-30
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    • 1974
  • Present study was undertaken to elucidate the relationship between uptake of nutrients and photosynthetic activities, and the translocation of several mineral nutrients in rice plants which were grown under different cultural conditions, utilizing radioactive tracer technique. Particular emphasis was placed on the analysis of patterns of nutrient uptake, the relationship between nutritional conditions and yield components. For this, rice plants grown on either low or high yielding fields at different growth stage were subjected to this study. The results are summarized as follows; 1. Varietal difference was observed in the uptake of potassium and phosphorus. Kusabue and Jinheung had good capacity but Paldal had rather poor capacity for the uptake of the both nutrients. 2. For rice plants, a high positive correlation was found between the oxidation of alpha plaus-naphthylamine by root and uptake of phosphorus. 3. Carbon assimilation rate repended on rice varieties. It was high in Noindo, Gutaenajuok #3 Suweon #82 and Jinheung but low in Taegujo, Kwanok, Yugu #132 etc. 4. Heavy application of nitrogen increased carbon assimilation in rice plants but this also depressed translocation of certain carbohydrates to ears. 5. Carbon assimilation wan greatly hampered in rice plants deficient in magnesium, phosphorus or potassium. 6. Total dry matter after ear formation stage, was much higher in rice plants grown in high yielding fields than those grown in low yielding fields. 7. Leaf area index(LAI) reached maximum at heading stage and decreased thereafter in high yielding fields. But in low yielding fields, it reached maximum before heading and sharply decreased thereafter due to early senescence of lower leaves. 8. In general, light transmission ratio (LTR) of leaves was higher in the early growth stage and lower in later stages. Higher ratio of LTR to leaf area index, was found in the rice grown in high yielding fields than those in low yielding fields. 9. Net photosynthetic activity decreased with the increase in leaf area index but was higher in high yielding fields than in low yielding fields. 10. After the ear formation stage, nitrogen, potassium and silicon as weil as $K_2O/N$ in straw were higher in high yielding fields than those in low yielding fields. 11. Nitrogen, phosphorus, potassium and magnesium taken up by rice plants in low yielding fields before heading stage were readily translocated to ears than those in high yielding fields. This suggests greater redistribution of nutrients in straw occurs due to lower uptake, in later growth stages, by rice plants grown in low yielding fields and hence results in early senescence due to nutrient deprivation. 12. In the high yielding fields nitrogen uptake by rice was slow but continuous throughout the life of the plants resulting in a large uptake even after heading. But, in low yielding fields the uptake was fast before heading and slow after heading. 13. A high positive correlation was found between the contents of nitrogen and potassium in the straw at heading stage and grain yield. Positive correlation was also found to hold between the contents of potassium, silicon, $K_2O/N$, $SiO_2/N$ in the straw at harvesting stage, and grain yield. 14. Carbon assimilation was greately hampered in rice plants deficient in magensium, phosphorus or potassium. 15. Uptake of nitrogen, phosphorus, potassium, silicon and manganese by rice was considerably higher in high yielding fields and reached maximum at ear formation stage. 16. In rice, a high positive correlation was discovered between total uptake of nitrogen, phosphorus, potassium, calcium, magnesium, silicon, manganese at harvesting stage and grain yield. 17. In rice, a high positive correlation was found between the total uptake of nitrogen, phosphorus, potassium, calcium, magnesium, silicon at harvesting stage, and number of spikelets per $3.3\;m^2$. In addition, a correlation was found between the total uptake of nitrogen and potassium and number of panicles per hill.

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A Study on the Dietary Behaviors, Physical Development and Nutrient Intakes in Preschool Children (학령 전 아동의 식습관, 신체 발달 및 영양 섭취상태에 관한 연구)

  • Yu, Kyeong-Hee
    • Journal of Nutrition and Health
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    • v.42 no.1
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    • pp.23-37
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    • 2009
  • The purpose of this study was to investigate the health status of preschool children using the questionnaires about dietary behaviors and anthropometric indices. And also nutritional status was investigated using questionnaires for 24-hr recall method. The study was conducted in 145 children aged 3 to 6 years and questionnaires for dietary behaviors and dietary intakes were performed by mothers of children in Ulsan. Just nine percent of children were graded as good in terms of having healthy eating habits, this means that the nutrition education for the dietary behaviors should be more focused on preschool children. With regard to the frequency of food intake, children consumed green & yellow vegetables less frequently, meanwhile consumed high protein source food (meat, egg and bean) and milk and its product more frequently. Children almost never consumed fried foods as often as 1-2 times a weak. In assessment of the health status, children have the highest prevalence of colds and allergy, but lower prevalence of clinical symptoms due to the nutritional deficiency. The mean height was $103.6\;{\pm}\;6.4\;cm$ and significantly different among age (p < 0.05), but was not significantly different between sex. The mean weight was $17.8\;{\pm}\;3.0\;kg$ and significantly different in 5, 6years old among age. By the WLI criteria, 11.1% of children were underweight and 17.4% of children were overweight or obese. By the Rohrer index criteria, any children were not underweight and 86.8% of children were overweight or obese. By the Kaup index criteria, 2.8% of children were underweight and 29.2% of children were overweight or obese. And Obesity Index criteria, 2.1% of children were underweight and 20.8% of children were overweight or obese. The results of obesity rate by all criteria except Rohrer index indicated similar level, were significantly high in age 3 with all criteria, and decreased with age increased. The energy intake of children was lower than EER (Estimated Energy Requirements) of Dietary Reference Intakes for Koreans (KDRIs) by as much as 85.7%. Acceptable Macronutrient Distribution Ranges (AMDR) was 62.6:21.5:15.7 as carbohydrate:protein:lipid, so children consumed protein more, but consumed lipid less compared with those of KDRIs. Vitamin A intake was 133% of recommended intakes (RI) and calcium intake which was identified as the nutrient most likely to be lacking in diets was 98.9% of RI. The intakes of all minerals and vitamins except folate were higher than KDRIs. 33.3% of children were distributed in insufficiency of energy intake, 42.7% of children were distributed in insufficiency of lipid intake. These results indicate that the need of developing of nutrition education program and further concern of a public health center, university and children care center about dietary life for preschool children.

The Status, Problems and Countermeasure of Direct Rice Seeding in Honam Province - On Weed control - (호남지방(湖南地方) 직파재배(直播栽培)의 현황(現況), 문제점(問題點) 및 대책(對策) - 잡초방제적(雜草防除的) 측면(側面)에서 -)

  • Ryang, Hwan-Seung;Kim, Jong-Seog
    • Korean Journal of Weed Science
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    • v.12 no.3
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    • pp.271-291
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    • 1992
  • This study was conducted to survey the situation of direct rice seeding in Honam province in Korea to investigate problems and seek countermeasure of weed control in direct rice seeding. The total area of direct rice seeding in the south-western part of Korea (Chonbuk, Chonnam, and Chungnam) was 1650.8ha (732.1ha for direct seeding in dry field and 918.7ha for direct seeding in flooding field) in 1992. The followings are summary of the study. 1. In case of direct rice seeding in dry field, butachlor EC and G at 3 to 5 DAS was mostly selected by farmers to control weeds in dry field. Benthiocarb or chlornitrofen was also used in few cases. At 10 to 14 DAS just before rice emergence, tank misture of butachlor EC and paraquat was treated by some farmers. At 35 to 40 days, after flooding mixture of sulfonylurea derivatives was sequentially applied. Surviving weeds including barnyardgrass were finally controlled by mixture of bentazon+quinclorac WP foliage application. 2. In case of direct rice seeding in flooding field, weed control were mostly unsuccessful partially due to wrong selection of herbicide and missing the optimum application time. Three relatively successful weed control in the survey were summarized as follows. 1) Oxadiazon EC, butachlor or benthiocarb were treated just after puddling(5 to 7 days before seeding). then mixture of bentazone+quinclorac WP or sulfonylurea derivatives was sequently applied to control remaining weeds at 20 days after seeding. 2) Mixtures of bensulfuronmethyl+dimepiperate G, pyrazosulfuronethyl+molinate G, or bensulfuronmethyl+mefenacet+dymron G were applied at 11 days after puddling when barnyardgrass were at 2.0 leaf stage. Phytotoxicity was not found in case of mixture of bensulfuronmethyl+dimepiperate G but found in the other two cases but disappeared later. 3) Mixtures of bensulfuronmethyl+quinclorac G., pyrazosulfuronethyl+quinclorac G or betazone and quinclorac G were treated after 18 to 20 days after puddling when barnyardgrass was within 3.0 leaf stage. It showed good weed control in both annuals and perrenials without phytotoxicity. On the contrary, other sulfonylurea derivatives such as middle periodic herbicide showed poor weed control against barnyardgrass, so that sequential treatment of bentazone+quinclorac WP mixture was required. 3. Herbicidal characteristics and optimum application time of 45 rigistered herbicides in Korea were analyzed to discover new substitute for quinclorac mixture, that showed excellent weed control against barnyardgrass at its 3 leaf stage or older. The analysis revealed that 70% of herbicides were for preemergence and the others were post periodic herbicide. Most farmers favor to apply herbicide when rice seedlings completely rooted, at this time barnyardgrass are at 2.5-3.0 leaf stage. Therefore herbicide of which optimum application time had long is required. In this study. 6 middle periodic herbicides among sulfonylurea derivatives and 2 quinclorac mixture were selected and evaluated their weeding spectrums at different leaf stage of barnyardgrass in both soil application in flooding condition and foliage application in dry paddy field. The order of weeding spectrum in magnitude was as follows : bentazone+quinclorac WP> bentazone + quinclorac G>bensulfuronmethyl + quinclorac G>pyrazosulfuronethyl + quinclorac G> pyrazosulfuronethyl + Molinate G>bensulfuronmethyl + mefenacet + dymron G>bensulfuronmethyl + mefenacet G>bensulfuron methyl+benthiocarb G. The above results coincided with that of the survey. In conclusion, there is no proper substitute for quinclorac mixrure, which can control barnyardgrass at 3.0 leaf stage or even older. Therefore quinclorac should be supplied continuously to farmers in order to anchor direct rice seeding in Korea. Author suggested the followings to eastablish direct rice seeding technology effectively and quickly : 1) A tentatively named "The research committee for direct rice seeding" which was composed of farmers. researchers and goberment. should be eastablished to cooperate effectively. 2) Development of a pricise direct rice seeding machine for both dry and flooding paddy field. which is workable regardless of condition and varieties of seeds. 3) Study on protecting rice seed and seedling from sparrows. 4) Systematic studies of weed control techniques in direct rice seeding to standardize herbicide application. 5) Studies on farm-land reformation. techniques of precise land preparation. and direct rice seeding using an airplane.

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Potassium Physiology of Upland Crops (밭 작물(作物)의 가리(加里) 생리(生理))

  • Park, Hoon
    • Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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    • v.10 no.3
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    • pp.103-134
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    • 1977
  • The physiological and biochemical role of potassium for upland crops according to recent research reports and the nutritional status of potassium in Korea were reviewed. Since physical and chemical characteristics of potassium ion are different from those of sodium, potassium can not completely be replaced by sodium and replacement must be limited to minimum possible functional area. Specific roles of potassium seem to keep fine structure of biological membranes such as thylacoid membrane of chloroplast in the most efficient form and to be allosteric effector and conformation controller of various enzymes principally in carbohydrate and protein metabolism. Potassium is essential to improve the efficiency of phoro- and oxidative- phosphorylation and involve deeply in all energy required metabolisms especially synthesis of organic matter and their translocation. Potassium has many important, physiological functions such as maintenance of osmotic pressure and optimum hydration of cell colloids, consequently uptake and translocation of water resulting in higher water use efficiency and of better subcellular environment for various physiological and biochemical activities. Potassium affects uptake and translocation of mineral nutrients and quality of products. potassium itself in products may become a quality criteria due to potassium essentiality for human beings. Potassium uptake is greatly decreased by low temperature and controlled by unknown feed back mechanism of potassium in plants. Thus the luxury absorption should be reconsidered. Total potassium content of upland soil in Korea is about 3% but the exchangeable one is about 0.3 me/100g soil. All upland crops require much potassium probably due to freezing and cold weather and also due to wet damage and drought caused by uneven rainfall pattern. In barley, potassium should be high at just before freezing and just after thawing and move into grain from heading for higher yield. Use efficiency of potassium was 27% for barley and 58% in old uplands, 46% in newly opened hilly lands for soybean. Soybean plant showed potassium deficiency symptom in various fields especially in newly opened hilly lands. Potassium criteria for normal growth appear 2% $K_2O$ and 1.0 K/(Ca+Mg) (content ratio) at flower bud initiation stage for soybean. Potassium requirement in plant was high in carrot, egg plant, chinese cabbage, red pepper, raddish and tomato. Potassium content in leaves was significantly correlated with yield in chinese cabbage. Sweet potato. greatly absorbed potassium subsequently affected potassium nutrition of the following crop. In the case of potassium deficiency, root showed the greatest difference in potassium content from that of normal indicating that deficiency damages root first. Potatoes and corn showed much higher potassium content in comparison with calcium and magnesium. Forage crops from ranges showed relatively high potassium content which was significantly and positively correlated with nitrogen, phosphorus and calcium content. Percentage of orchards (apple, pear, peach, grape, and orange) insufficient in potassium ranged from 16 to 25. The leaves and soils from the good apple and pear orchards showed higher potassium content than those from the poor ones. Critical ratio of $K_2O/(CaO+MgO)$ in mulberry leaves to escape from winter death of branch tip was 0.95. In the multiple croping system, exchangeable potassium in soils after one crop was affected by the previous crops and potassium uptake seemed to be related with soil organic matter providing soil moisture and aeration. Thus, the long term and quantitative investigation of various forms of potassium including total one are needed in relation to soil, weather and croping system. Potassium uptake and efficiency may be increased by topdressing, deep placement, slow-releasing or granular fertilizer application with the consideration of rainfall pattern. In all researches for nutritional explanation including potassium of crop yield reasonable and practicable nutritional indices will most easily be obtained through multifactor analysis.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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Studies on Sclerotium rolfsii Sacc. isolated from Magnolia kobus DC. in Korea (목련(Magnolia kobus DC.)에서 분리한 흰비단병균(Sclerotium rolfsii Sacc.)에 관한 연구)

  • Kim Kichung
    • Korean journal of applied entomology
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    • v.13 no.3 s.20
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    • pp.105-133
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    • 1974
  • The present study is an attempt to solve the basic problems involved in the control of the Sclerotium disease. The biologic stranis of Sclerotium rolfsii Sacc., pathogen of Sclerotium disease of Magnolia kobus, were differentiated, and the effects of vitamins, various nitrogen and carbon sources on its mycelial growth and sclerotial production have been investigated. In addition the relationship between the cultural filtrate of Penicillium sp. and the growth of Sclerotium rolfsii, the tolerance of its mycelia or sclerotia to moist heat or drought and to Benlate (methyl-(butylcarbamoy 1)-2-benzimidazole carbamate), Tachigaren (3-hydroxy-5-methylisoxazole) and other chemicals were also clarified. The results are summarizee as follows: 1. There were two biologic strains, Type-l and Type-2 among isolates. They differed from each other in the mode of growth and colonial appearance on the media, aversion phenomenon and in their pathogenicity. These two types had similar pathogenicity to the Magnolia kobus and Robinia pseudoacasia, but behaved somewhat differently to the soybaen and cucumber, the Type-l being more virulent. 2. Except potassium nitrite, sodium nitrite and glycine, all of the 12 nitrogen sources tested were utilized for the mycelial growth and sclerotial production of this fungus when 10r/l of thiamine hydrochloride was added in the culture solution. Considering the forms of nitrogen, ammonium nitrogen was more available than nitrate nitrogen for the growth of mycelia, but nitrate nitrogen was better for sclerotia formation. Organic nitrogen showed different availabilities according to compounds used. While nitrite nitrogen was unavailable for both mycelial growth and sclerotial formation whether thiamine hydrochlioride was added or not. 3. Seven kinds of carbon sources examined were not effective in general, as long as thiamine hydrochloride was not added. When thiamine hydrochloride was added, glucose and saccharose exhibited mycelial growth, while rnaltose and soluble starch gave lesser, and xylose, lactose, and glycine showed no effect at all,. In the sclerotial production, all the tested carbon sources, except lactose, were effective, and glucose, maltose, saccharose, and soluble starch gave better results. 4. At the same level of nitrogen, the amount of mycelial growth increased as more carbon Sources were applied but decreased with the increase of nitrogen above 0.5g/1. The amount of sclerotial production decreased wi th the increase of carbon sources. 5. Sclerotium rolfsii was thiamine-defficient and required thiamine 20r/l for maximun growth of mycelia. At a higher concentration of more than 20r/l, however, mycelial growth decreased as the concentration increased, and was inhibited at l50r/l to such a degree of thiamine-free. 6. The effect of the nitrogen sources on the mycelial growth under the presence of thiamine were recognized in the decreasing order of $NH_4NO_3,\;(NH_4)_2SO_4,\;asparagine,\;KNO_3$, and their effects on the sclerotial production in the order of $KNO_3,\;NH_4NO_3,\;asparagine,\;(NH_4)_2SO_4$. The optimum concentration of thiamine was about 12r/l in $KNO_3$ and about 16r/l in asparagine for the growth of mycelia; about 8r/l in $KNO_3$ and $NH_4NO_3$, and 16r/l in asparagine for the production of sclerotia. 7. After the fungus started to grow, the pH value of cultural filtrate rapidly dropped to about 3.5. Hereafter, its rate slowed down as the growth amount increased and did not depreciated below pH2.2. 8. The role of thiamine in the growth of the organism was vital. If thiamine was not added, the combination of biotin, pyridoxine, and inositol did not show any effects on the growth of the organism at all. Equivalent or better mycelial growth was recognized in the combination of thiamine+pyridoxine, thiamine+inositol, thiamine+biotin+pyridoxine, and thiamine+biotin+pyridoxine+inositol, as compared with thiamine alone. In the combinations of thiamine+biotin and thiamine+biotin+inositol, mycelial growth was inhibited. Sclerotial production in dry weight increased more in these combinations than in the medium of thiamine alone. 9. The stimulating effects of the Penicillium cultural filtrate on the mycelial growth was noticed. It increased linearly with the increase of filtrate concentration up to 6-15 ml/50ml basal medium solution. 10. $NH_4NO_3$. as a nitrogen source for mycelial growth was more effective than asparasine regardless of the concentration of cultural filtrate. 11. In the series of fractionations of the cultural filtrate, mycelial growth occured in unvolatile, ether insoluble cation-adsorbed or anion-unadsorbed substance fractions among the fractions of volatile, unvolatile acids, ether soluble organic acids, ether insoluble, cation-adsorbed, cation-unadsorbed, anion-adsorbed and anion-unadsorbed. and anion-un-adsorbed substance tested. Sclerotia were produced only in cation-adsorbed fraction. 12. According to the above results, it was assumed that substances for the mycelial growth and sclerotial formation and inhibitor of sclerotial formation were include::! in cultural filtrate and they were quite different from each other. I was further assumed that the former two substances are un volatile, ether insotuble, and adsorbed to cation-exchange resin, but not adsorbed to anion, whereas the latter is unvolatile, ether insoluble, and not adsorbed to cation or anion-exchange resin. 13. Seven amino acids-aspartic acid, cystine, glysine, histidine, Iycine, tyrosine and dinitroaniline-were detected in the fractions adsorbed to cation-exchange resin by applying the paper chromatography improved with DNP-amino acids. 14. Mycelial growth or sclerotial production was not stimulated significantly by separate or combined application of glutamic acid, aspartic acid, cystine, histidine, and glysine. Tyrosine gave the stimulating effect when applied .alone and when combined with other amino acids in some cases. 15. The tolerance of sclerotia to moist heat varied according to their water content, that was, the dried sclerotia are more tolerant than wet ones. The sclerotia harvested directly from the media, both Type-1 and Type-2, lost viability within 5 minutes at $52^{\circ}C$. Sclerotia dried for 155 days at$26^{\circ}C$ had more tolerance: sclerotia of Type-l were killed in 15 mins. at $52^{\circ}C$ and in 5 mins. at $57^{\circ}C$, and sclerotia of Type-2 were killed in 10 mins. both at $52^{\circ}C$ or $57^{\circ}C$. 16. Cultural sclerotia of both strains maintained good germinability for 132 days at$26^{\circ}C$. Natural sclerotia of them stored for 283 days under air dry condition still had good germinability, even for 443 days: type-l and type-2 maintained $20\%$ and $26.9\%$ germinability, respectively. 17. The tolerance to low temperature increased in the order of mycelia, felts and sclerotia. Mycelia completely lost the ability to grow within 1 week at $7-8^{\circ}C$> below zero, while mycelial felts still maintained the viability after .3 weeks at $7-20^{\circ}C$ below zero, and sclerotia were even more tolerant. 18. Sclerotia of type-l and type-2 were killed when dipped into the $0.05\%$ solution of mercury chloride for 180 mins. and 240 mins. respectively: and in the $0.1\%$ solution, Type-l for 60 mins. and Type-2 for 30 mins. In the $0.125\%$ uspulun solution, Type-l sclerotia were killed in 180 mins., and those of Type-2 were killed for 90 mins. in the$0.125\%$solution. Dipping into the $5\%$ copper sulphate solution or $0.2\%$ solution of Ceresan lime or Mercron for 240 mins. failed to kill sclerotia of either Type-l or Type-2. 19. Inhibitory effect on mycelial growth of Benlate or Tachi-garen in the liquid culture increased as the concentration increased. 6 days after application, obvious inhibitory effects were found in all treatments except Benlate 0.5ppm; but after 12 days, distingushed diflerences were shown among the different concentrations. As compared with the control, mycelial growth was inhibited by $66\%$ at 0.5ppm and by $92\%$ at 2.0ppm of Benlate, and by$54\%$ at 1ppm and about $77\%$ at 1.5ppm or 2.0ppm of Tachigaren. The mycelial growth was inhibited completely at 500ppm of both fungicides, and the formation of sclerotia was checked at 1,000ppm of Benlate ant at 500ppm or 1,000ppm of Tachigaren. 20. Consumptions of glucose or ammonium nitrogen in the culture solution usually increased with the increment of mycelial growth, but when Benlate or Tachigaren were applied, consumptions of glucose or ammonium nitrogen were inhibited with the increment of concentration of the fungicides. At the low concentrations of Benlate (0.5ppm or 1ppm), however, ammonium nitrogen consumption was higher than that of the ontrol. 21. The amount of mycelia produced by consuming 1mg of glucose or ammonium nitrogen in the culture solution was lowered markedly by Benlate or Tachigaren. Such effects were the severest on the third day after their treatment in all concentrations, and then gradually recovered with the progress of time. 22. In the sand culture, mycelial growth was not inhibited. It was indirectly estimated by the amount of $CO_2$ evolved at any concentrations, except in the Tachigaren 100mg/g sand in which mycelial growth was inhibited significantly. Sclerotial production was completely depressed in the 10mg/g sand of Benlate or Tachigaren. 23. There was no visible inhibitory effect on the germination of sclerotia when the sclerotia were dipped in the solution 0.1, 1.0, 100, 1.000ppm of Benlate or Tachigaren for 10 minutes or even 20 minutes.

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Assessment of Bone Metastasis using Nuclear Medicine Imaging in Breast Cancer : Comparison between PET/CT and Bone Scan (유방암 환자에서 골전이에 대한 핵의학적 평가)

  • Cho, Dae-Hyoun;Ahn, Byeong-Cheol;Kang, Sung-Min;Seo, Ji-Hyoung;Bae, Jin-Ho;Lee, Sang-Woo;Jeong, Jin-Hyang;Yoo, Jeong-Soo;Park, Ho-Young;Lee, Jae-Tae
    • Nuclear Medicine and Molecular Imaging
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    • v.41 no.1
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    • pp.30-41
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    • 2007
  • Purpose: Bone metastasis in breast cancer patients are usually assessed by conventional Tc-99m methylene diphosphonate whole-body bone scan, which has a high sensitivity but a poor specificity. However, positron emission tomography with $^{18}F-2-deoxyglucose$ (FDG-PET) can offer superior spatial resolution and improved specificity. FDG-PET/CT can offer more information to assess bone metastasis than PET alone, by giving a anatomical information of non-enhanced CT image. We attempted to evaluate the usefulness of FDG-PET/CT for detecting bone metastasis in breast cancer and to compare FDG-PET/CT results with bone scan findings. Materials and Methods: The study group comprised 157 women patients (range: $28{\sim}78$ years old, $mean{\pm}SD=49.5{\pm}8.5$) with biopsy-proven breast cancer who underwent bone scan and FDG-PET/CT within 1 week interval. The final diagnosis of bone metastasis was established by histopathological findings, radiological correlation, or clinical follow-up. Bone scan was acquired over 4 hours after administration of 740 MBq Tc-99m MDP. Bone scan image was interpreted as normal, low, intermediate or high probability for osseous metastasis. FDG PET/CT was performed after 6 hours fasting. 370 MBq F-18 FDG was administered intravenously 1 hour before imaging. PET data was obtained by 3D mode and CT data, used as transmission correction database, was acquired during shallow respiration. PET images were evaluated by visual interpretation, and quantification of FDG accumulation in bone lesion was performed by maximal SUV(SUVmax) and relative SUV(SUVrel). Results: Six patients(4.4%) showed metastatic bone lesions. Four(66.6%) of 6 patients with osseous metastasis was detected by bone scan and all 6 patients(100%) were detected by PET/CT. A total of 135 bone lesions found on either FDG-PET or bone scan were consist of 108 osseous metastatic lesion and 27 benign bone lesions. Osseous metastatic lesion had higher SUVmax and SUVrel compared to benign bone lesion($4.79{\pm}3.32$ vs $1.45{\pm}0.44$, p=0.000, $3.08{\pm}2.85$ vs $0.30{\pm}0.43$, p=0.000). Among 108 osseous metastatic lesions, 76 lesions showed as abnormal uptake on bone scan, and 76 lesions also showed as increased FDG uptake on PET/CT scan. There was good agreement between FDG uptake and abnormal bone scan finding (Kendall tau-b : 0.689, p=0.000). Lesion showed increased bone tracer uptake had higher SUVmax and SUVrel compared to lesion showed no abnormal bone scan finding ($6.03{\pm}3.12$ vs $1.09{\pm}1.49$, p=0.000, $4.76{\pm}3.31$ vs $1.29{\pm}0.92$, p=0.000). The order of frequency of osseous metastatic site was vertebra, pelvis, rib, skull, sternum, scapula, femur, clavicle, and humerus. Metastatic lesion on skull had highest SUVmax and metastatic lesion on rib had highest SUVrel. Osteosclerotic metastatic lesion had lowest SUVmax and SUVrel. Conclusion: These results suggest that FDG-PET/CT is more sensitive to detect breast cancer patients with osseous metastasis. CT scan must be reviewed cautiously skeleton with bone window, because osteosclerotic metastatic lesion did not showed abnormal FDG accumulation frequently.

The lesson From Korean War (한국전쟁의 교훈과 대비 -병력수(兵力數) 및 부대수(部隊數)를 중심으로-)

  • Yoon, Il-Young
    • Journal of National Security and Military Science
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    • s.8
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    • pp.49-168
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    • 2010
  • Just before the Korean War, the total number of the North Korean troops was 198,380, while that of the ROK(Republic of Korea) army troops 105,752. That is, the total number of the ROK army troops at that time was 53.3% of the total number of the North Korean army. As of December 2008, the total number of the North Korean troops is estimated to be 1,190,000, while that of the ROK troops is 655,000, so the ROK army maintains 55.04% of the total number of the North Korean troops. If the ROK army continues to reduce its troops according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the total number of its troops will be 517,000 m 2020. If North Korea maintains the current status(l,190,000 troops), the number of the ROK troops will be 43.4% of the North Korean army. In terms of units, just before the Korean War, the number of the ROK army divisions and regiments was 80% and 44.8% of North Korean army. As of December 2008, North Korea maintains 86 divisions and 69 regiments. Compared to the North Korean army, the ROK army maintains 46 Divisions (53.4% of North Korean army) and 15 regiments (21.3% of North Korean army). If the ROK army continue to reduce the military units according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of ROK army divisions will be 28(13 Active Division, 4 Mobilization Divisions and 11 Local Reserve Divisions), while that of the North Korean army will be 86 in 2020. In that case, the number of divisions of the ROK army will be 32.5% of North Korean army. During the Korean war, North Korea suddenly invaded the Republic of Korea and occupied its capital 3 days after the war began. At that time, the ROK army maintained 80% of army divisions, compared to the North Korean army. The lesson to be learned from this is that, if the ROK army is forced to disperse its divisions because of the simultaneous invasion of North Korea and attack of guerrillas in home front areas, the Republic of Korea can be in a serious military danger, even though it maintains 80% of military divisions of North Korea. If the ROK army promotes the plans in [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of military units of the ROK army will be 32.5% of that of the North Korean army. This ratio is 2.4 times lower than that of the time when the Korean war began, and in this case, 90% of total military power should be placed in the DMZ area. If 90% of military power is placed in the DMZ area, few troops will be left for the defense of home front. In addition, if the ROK army continues to reduce the troops, it can allow North Korea to have asymmetrical superiority in military force and it will eventually exert negative influence on the stability and peace of the Korean peninsular. On the other hand, it should be reminded that, during the Korean War, the Republic of Korea was attacked by North Korea, though it kept 53.3% of troops, compared to North Korea. It should also be reminded that, as of 2008, the ROK army is defending its territory with the troops 55.04% of North Korea. Moreover, the national defense is assisted by 25,120 troops of the US Forces in Korea. In case the total number of the ROK troops falls below 43.4% of the North Korean army, it may cause social unrest about the national security and may lead North Korea's misjudgement. Besides, according to Lanchester strategy, the party with weaker military power (60% compared to the party with stronger military power) has the 4.1% of winning possibility. Therefore, if we consider the fact that the total number of the ROK army troops is 55.04% of that of the North Korean army, the winning possibility of the ROK army is not higher than 4.1%. If the total number of ROK troops is reduced to 43.4% of that of North Korea, the winning possibility will be lower and the military operations will be in critically difficult situation. [Military Reform Plan 2020] rums at the reduction of troops and units of the ground forces under the policy of 'select few'. However, the problem is that the financial support to achieve this goal is not secured. Therefore, the promotion of [Military Reform Plan 2020] may cause the weakening of military defence power in 2020. Some advanced countries such as Japan, UK, Germany, and France have promoted the policy of 'select few'. However, what is to be noted is that the national security situation of those countries is much different from that of Korea. With the collapse of the Soviet Unions and European communist countries, the military threat of those European advanced countries has almost disappeared. In addition, the threats those advanced countries are facing are not wars in national level, but terrorism in international level. To cope with the threats like terrorism, large scaled army trops would not be necessary. So those advanced European countries can promote the policy of 'select few'. In line with this, those European countries put their focuses on the development of military sections that deal with non-military operations and protection from unspecified enemies. That is, those countries are promoting the policy of 'select few', because they found that the policy is suitable for their national security environment. Moreover, since they are pursuing common interest under the European Union(EU) and they can form an allied force under NATO, it is natural that they are pursing the 'select few' policy. At present, NATO maintains the larger number of troops(2,446,000) than Russia(l,027,000) to prepare for the potential threat of Russia. The situation of japan is also much different from that of Korea. As a country composed of islands, its prime military focus is put on the maritime defense. Accordingly, the development of ground force is given secondary focus. The japanese government promotes the policy to develop technology-concentrated small size navy and air-forces, instead of maintaining large-scaled ground force. In addition, because of the 'Peace Constitution' that was enacted just after the end of World War II, japan cannot maintain troops more than 240,000. With the limited number of troops (240,000), japan has no choice but to promote the policy of 'select few'. However, the situation of Korea is much different from the situations of those countries. The Republic of Korea is facing the threat of the North Korean Army that aims at keeping a large-scale military force. In addition, the countries surrounding Korea are also super powers containing strong military forces. Therefore, to cope with the actual threat of present and unspecified threat of future, the importance of maintaining a carefully calculated large-scale military force cannot be denied. Furthermore, when considering the fact that Korea is in a peninsular, the Republic of Korea must take it into consideration the tradition of continental countries' to maintain large-scale military powers. Since the Korean War, the ROK army has developed the technology-force combined military system, maintaining proper number of troops and units and pursuing 'select few' policy at the same time. This has been promoted with the consideration of military situation in the Koran peninsular and the cooperation of ROK-US combined forces. This kind of unique military system that cannot be found in other countries can be said to be an insightful one for the preparation for the actual threat of North Korea and the conflicts between continental countries and maritime countries. In addition, this kind of technology-force combined military system has enabled us to keep peace in Korea. Therefore, it would be desirable to maintain this technology-force combined military system until the reunification of the Korean peninsular. Furthermore, it is to be pointed out that blindly following the 'select few' policy of advanced countries is not a good option, because it is ignoring the military strategic situation of the Korean peninsular. If the Republic of Korea pursues the reduction of troops and units radically without consideration of the threat of North Korea and surrounding countries, it could be a significant strategic mistake. In addition, the ROK army should keep an eye on the fact the European advanced countries and Japan that are not facing direct military threats are spending more defense expenditures than Korea. If the ROK army reduces military power without proper alternatives, it would exert a negative effect on the stable economic development of Korea and peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsular. Therefore, the desirable option would be to focus on the development of quality of forces, maintaining proper size and number of troops and units under the technology-force combined military system. The tableau above shows that the advanced countries like the UK, Germany, Italy, and Austria spend more defense expenditure per person than the Republic of Korea, although they do not face actual military threats, and that they keep achieving better economic progress than the countries that spend less defense expenditure. Therefore, it would be necessary to adopt the merits of the defense systems of those advanced countries. As we have examined, it would be desirable to maintain the current size and number of troops and units, to promote 'select few' policy with increased defense expenditure, and to strengthen the technology-force combined military system. On the basis of firm national security, the Republic of Korea can develop efficient policies for reunification and prosperity, and jump into the status of advanced countries. Therefore, the plans to reduce troops and units in [Military Reform Plan 2020] should be reexamined. If it is difficult for the ROK army to maintain its size of 655,000 troops because of low birth rate, the plans to establish the prompt mobilization force or to adopt drafting system should be considered for the maintenance of proper number of troops and units. From now on, the Republic of Korean government should develop plans to keep peace as well as to prepare unexpected changes in the Korean peninsular. For the achievement of these missions, some options can be considered. The first one is to maintain the same size of military troops and units as North Korea. The second one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea in terms of military force index. The third one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea, with the combination of the prompt mobilization force and the troops in active service under the system of technology-force combined military system. At present, it would be not possible for the ROK army to maintain such a large-size military force as North Korea (1,190,000 troops and 86 units). So it would be rational to maintain almost the same level of military force as North Korea with the combination of the troops on the active list and the prompt mobilization forces. In other words, with the combination of the troops in active service (60%) and the prompt mobilization force (40%), the ROK army should develop the strategies to harmonize technology and forces. The Korean government should also be prepared for the strategic flexibility of USFK, the possibility of American policy change about the location of foreign army, radical unexpected changes in North Korea, the emergence of potential threat, surrounding countries' demand for Korean force for the maintenance of regional stability, and demand for international cooperation against terrorism. For this, it is necessary to develop new approaches toward the proper number and size of troops and units. For instance, to prepare for radical unexpected political or military changes in North Korea, the Republic of Korea should have plans to protect a large number of refugees, to control arms and people, to maintain social security, and to keep orders in North Korea. From the experiences of other countries, it is estimated that 115,000 to 230,000 troops, plus ten thousands of police are required to stabilize the North Korean society, in the case radical unexpected military or political change happens in North Korea. In addition, if the Republic of Korea should perform the release of hostages, control of mass destruction weapons, and suppress the internal wars in North Korea, it should send 460,000 troops to North Korea. Moreover, if the Republic of Korea wants to stop the attack of North Korea and flow of refugees in DMZ area, at least 600,000 troops would be required. In sum, even if the ROK army maintains 600,000 troops, it may need additional 460,000 troops to prepare for unexpected radical changes in North Korea. For this, it is necessary to establish the prompt mobilization force whose size and number are almost the same as the troops in active service. In case the ROK army keeps 650,000 troops, the proper number of the prompt mobilization force would be 460,000 to 500,000.

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DEVELOPMENT OF STATEWIDE TRUCK TRAFFIC FORECASTING METHOD BY USING LIMITED O-D SURVEY DATA (한정된 O-D조사자료를 이용한 주 전체의 트럭교통예측방법 개발)

  • 박만배
    • Proceedings of the KOR-KST Conference
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    • 1995.02a
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    • pp.101-113
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    • 1995
  • The objective of this research is to test the feasibility of developing a statewide truck traffic forecasting methodology for Wisconsin by using Origin-Destination surveys, traffic counts, classification counts, and other data that are routinely collected by the Wisconsin Department of Transportation (WisDOT). Development of a feasible model will permit estimation of future truck traffic for every major link in the network. This will provide the basis for improved estimation of future pavement deterioration. Pavement damage rises exponentially as axle weight increases, and trucks are responsible for most of the traffic-induced damage to pavement. Consequently, forecasts of truck traffic are critical to pavement management systems. The pavement Management Decision Supporting System (PMDSS) prepared by WisDOT in May 1990 combines pavement inventory and performance data with a knowledge base consisting of rules for evaluation, problem identification and rehabilitation recommendation. Without a r.easonable truck traffic forecasting methodology, PMDSS is not able to project pavement performance trends in order to make assessment and recommendations in the future years. However, none of WisDOT's existing forecasting methodologies has been designed specifically for predicting truck movements on a statewide highway network. For this research, the Origin-Destination survey data avaiiable from WisDOT, including two stateline areas, one county, and five cities, are analyzed and the zone-to'||'&'||'not;zone truck trip tables are developed. The resulting Origin-Destination Trip Length Frequency (00 TLF) distributions by trip type are applied to the Gravity Model (GM) for comparison with comparable TLFs from the GM. The gravity model is calibrated to obtain friction factor curves for the three trip types, Internal-Internal (I-I), Internal-External (I-E), and External-External (E-E). ~oth "macro-scale" calibration and "micro-scale" calibration are performed. The comparison of the statewide GM TLF with the 00 TLF for the macro-scale calibration does not provide suitable results because the available 00 survey data do not represent an unbiased sample of statewide truck trips. For the "micro-scale" calibration, "partial" GM trip tables that correspond to the 00 survey trip tables are extracted from the full statewide GM trip table. These "partial" GM trip tables are then merged and a partial GM TLF is created. The GM friction factor curves are adjusted until the partial GM TLF matches the 00 TLF. Three friction factor curves, one for each trip type, resulting from the micro-scale calibration produce a reasonable GM truck trip model. A key methodological issue for GM. calibration involves the use of multiple friction factor curves versus a single friction factor curve for each trip type in order to estimate truck trips with reasonable accuracy. A single friction factor curve for each of the three trip types was found to reproduce the 00 TLFs from the calibration data base. Given the very limited trip generation data available for this research, additional refinement of the gravity model using multiple mction factor curves for each trip type was not warranted. In the traditional urban transportation planning studies, the zonal trip productions and attractions and region-wide OD TLFs are available. However, for this research, the information available for the development .of the GM model is limited to Ground Counts (GC) and a limited set ofOD TLFs. The GM is calibrated using the limited OD data, but the OD data are not adequate to obtain good estimates of truck trip productions and attractions .. Consequently, zonal productions and attractions are estimated using zonal population as a first approximation. Then, Selected Link based (SELINK) analyses are used to adjust the productions and attractions and possibly recalibrate the GM. The SELINK adjustment process involves identifying the origins and destinations of all truck trips that are assigned to a specified "selected link" as the result of a standard traffic assignment. A link adjustment factor is computed as the ratio of the actual volume for the link (ground count) to the total assigned volume. This link adjustment factor is then applied to all of the origin and destination zones of the trips using that "selected link". Selected link based analyses are conducted by using both 16 selected links and 32 selected links. The result of SELINK analysis by u~ing 32 selected links provides the least %RMSE in the screenline volume analysis. In addition, the stability of the GM truck estimating model is preserved by using 32 selected links with three SELINK adjustments, that is, the GM remains calibrated despite substantial changes in the input productions and attractions. The coverage of zones provided by 32 selected links is satisfactory. Increasing the number of repetitions beyond four is not reasonable because the stability of GM model in reproducing the OD TLF reaches its limits. The total volume of truck traffic captured by 32 selected links is 107% of total trip productions. But more importantly, ~ELINK adjustment factors for all of the zones can be computed. Evaluation of the travel demand model resulting from the SELINK adjustments is conducted by using screenline volume analysis, functional class and route specific volume analysis, area specific volume analysis, production and attraction analysis, and Vehicle Miles of Travel (VMT) analysis. Screenline volume analysis by using four screenlines with 28 check points are used for evaluation of the adequacy of the overall model. The total trucks crossing the screenlines are compared to the ground count totals. L V/GC ratios of 0.958 by using 32 selected links and 1.001 by using 16 selected links are obtained. The %RM:SE for the four screenlines is inversely proportional to the average ground count totals by screenline .. The magnitude of %RM:SE for the four screenlines resulting from the fourth and last GM run by using 32 and 16 selected links is 22% and 31 % respectively. These results are similar to the overall %RMSE achieved for the 32 and 16 selected links themselves of 19% and 33% respectively. This implies that the SELINICanalysis results are reasonable for all sections of the state.Functional class and route specific volume analysis is possible by using the available 154 classification count check points. The truck traffic crossing the Interstate highways (ISH) with 37 check points, the US highways (USH) with 50 check points, and the State highways (STH) with 67 check points is compared to the actual ground count totals. The magnitude of the overall link volume to ground count ratio by route does not provide any specific pattern of over or underestimate. However, the %R11SE for the ISH shows the least value while that for the STH shows the largest value. This pattern is consistent with the screenline analysis and the overall relationship between %RMSE and ground count volume groups. Area specific volume analysis provides another broad statewide measure of the performance of the overall model. The truck traffic in the North area with 26 check points, the West area with 36 check points, the East area with 29 check points, and the South area with 64 check points are compared to the actual ground count totals. The four areas show similar results. No specific patterns in the L V/GC ratio by area are found. In addition, the %RMSE is computed for each of the four areas. The %RMSEs for the North, West, East, and South areas are 92%, 49%, 27%, and 35% respectively, whereas, the average ground counts are 481, 1383, 1532, and 3154 respectively. As for the screenline and volume range analyses, the %RMSE is inversely related to average link volume. 'The SELINK adjustments of productions and attractions resulted in a very substantial reduction in the total in-state zonal productions and attractions. The initial in-state zonal trip generation model can now be revised with a new trip production's trip rate (total adjusted productions/total population) and a new trip attraction's trip rate. Revised zonal production and attraction adjustment factors can then be developed that only reflect the impact of the SELINK adjustments that cause mcreases or , decreases from the revised zonal estimate of productions and attractions. Analysis of the revised production adjustment factors is conducted by plotting the factors on the state map. The east area of the state including the counties of Brown, Outagamie, Shawano, Wmnebago, Fond du Lac, Marathon shows comparatively large values of the revised adjustment factors. Overall, both small and large values of the revised adjustment factors are scattered around Wisconsin. This suggests that more independent variables beyond just 226; population are needed for the development of the heavy truck trip generation model. More independent variables including zonal employment data (office employees and manufacturing employees) by industry type, zonal private trucks 226; owned and zonal income data which are not available currently should be considered. A plot of frequency distribution of the in-state zones as a function of the revised production and attraction adjustment factors shows the overall " adjustment resulting from the SELINK analysis process. Overall, the revised SELINK adjustments show that the productions for many zones are reduced by, a factor of 0.5 to 0.8 while the productions for ~ relatively few zones are increased by factors from 1.1 to 4 with most of the factors in the 3.0 range. No obvious explanation for the frequency distribution could be found. The revised SELINK adjustments overall appear to be reasonable. The heavy truck VMT analysis is conducted by comparing the 1990 heavy truck VMT that is forecasted by the GM truck forecasting model, 2.975 billions, with the WisDOT computed data. This gives an estimate that is 18.3% less than the WisDOT computation of 3.642 billions of VMT. The WisDOT estimates are based on the sampling the link volumes for USH, 8TH, and CTH. This implies potential error in sampling the average link volume. The WisDOT estimate of heavy truck VMT cannot be tabulated by the three trip types, I-I, I-E ('||'&'||'pound;-I), and E-E. In contrast, the GM forecasting model shows that the proportion ofE-E VMT out of total VMT is 21.24%. In addition, tabulation of heavy truck VMT by route functional class shows that the proportion of truck traffic traversing the freeways and expressways is 76.5%. Only 14.1% of total freeway truck traffic is I-I trips, while 80% of total collector truck traffic is I-I trips. This implies that freeways are traversed mainly by I-E and E-E truck traffic while collectors are used mainly by I-I truck traffic. Other tabulations such as average heavy truck speed by trip type, average travel distance by trip type and the VMT distribution by trip type, route functional class and travel speed are useful information for highway planners to understand the characteristics of statewide heavy truck trip patternS. Heavy truck volumes for the target year 2010 are forecasted by using the GM truck forecasting model. Four scenarios are used. Fo~ better forecasting, ground count- based segment adjustment factors are developed and applied. ISH 90 '||'&'||' 94 and USH 41 are used as example routes. The forecasting results by using the ground count-based segment adjustment factors are satisfactory for long range planning purposes, but additional ground counts would be useful for USH 41. Sensitivity analysis provides estimates of the impacts of the alternative growth rates including information about changes in the trip types using key routes. The network'||'&'||'not;based GMcan easily model scenarios with different rates of growth in rural versus . . urban areas, small versus large cities, and in-state zones versus external stations. cities, and in-state zones versus external stations.

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A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan (일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구)

  • Park, Hyun-Kuk;Kim, Ki-Wook
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.20 no.4
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    • pp.211-250
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    • 2007
  • 1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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