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Global Rice Production, Consumption and Trade: Trends and Future Directions

  • Bhandari, Humnath
    • Proceedings of the Korean Society of Crop Science Conference
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    • 2019.09a
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    • pp.5-5
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    • 2019
  • The objectives of this paper are (i) to analyze past trends and future directions of rice production, consumption and trade across the world and (ii) to discuss emerging challenges and future directions in the global rice industry. Rice is a staple food of over half of the world's 7.7 billion people. It is an important economic, social, political, and cultural commodity in most Asian countries. Rice is the $1^{st}$ most widely consumed, $2^{nd}$ largely produced, and $3^{rd}$ most widely grown food crop in the world. It was cultivated by 144 million farms in over 100 countries with harvested area of over 163 million ha producing about 745 million tons paddy in 2018. About 90% of the total rice is produced in Asia. China and India, the biggest rice producers, account for over half of the world's rice production. Between 1960 and 2018, world rice production increased over threefold from 221 to 745 million tons (2.1% per year) due to area expansion from 120 to 163 million ha (0.5% per year) and paddy yield increase from 1.8 to 4.6 t/ha (1.6% per year). The Green Revolution led massive increase in rice production prevented famines, provided food for millions of people, reduced poverty and hunger, and improved livelihoods of millions of Asians. The future increase in rice production must come from yield increase as the scope for area expansion is limited. Rice is the most widely consumed food crop. The world's average per capita milled rice consumption is 64 kilograms providing 19% of daily calories. Asia accounted for 84% of global consumption followed by Africa (7%), South America (3%), and the Middle East (2%). Asia's per capita rice consumption is 100 kilograms per year providing 28% of daily calories. The global and Asian per capita consumption increased from the 1960s to the 1990s but stable afterward. The per capita rice consumption is expected to decline in Asia but increase outside Asia especially in Africa in the future. The total milled rice consumption was about 490 million tons in 2018 and projected to reach 550 million tons by 2030 and 590 million tons by 2040. Rice is thinly traded in international market because it is a highly protected commodity. Only about 9% of the total production is traded in global rice market. However, the volume of global rice trade has increased over six-fold from 7.5 to 46.5 million tons between the 1960s and 2018. A relatively small number of exporting countries interact with a large number of importing countries. The top five rice exporting countries are India, Thailand, Vietnam, Pakistan, and China accounting for 74% of the global rice export. The top five rice importing countries are China, Philippines, Nigeria, European Union and Saudi Arabia accounting for 26% of the global rice import. Within rice varieties, Japonica rice accounts for the highest share of the global rice trade (about 12%) followed by Basmati rice (about 10%). The high concentration of exports to a few countries makes international rice market vulnerable to supply disruptions in exporting countries, leading to higher world prices of rice. The export price of Thai 5% broken rice increased from 198 US$/ton in 2000 to 421 US$/ton in 2018. The volumes of trade and rice prices in the global market are expected to increase in the future. The major future challenges of the rice industry are increasing demand due to population growth, rising demand in Africa, economic growth and diet diversification, competition for natural resources (land and water), labor scarcity, climate change and natural hazards, poverty and inequality, hunger and malnutrition, urbanization, low income in rice farming, yield saturation, aging of farmers, feminization of agriculture, health and environmental concerns, improving value chains, and shifting donor priorities away from agriculture. At the same time, new opportunities are available due to access to new technologies, increased investment by the private sector, and increased global partnership. More investment in rice research and development is needed to develop and disseminate innovative technologies and practices to overcome problems and ensure food and nutrition security of the future population.

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Samae Dam chicken: a variety of the Pradu Hang Dam breed revealed from microsatellite genotyping data

  • Nivit Tanglertpaibul;Trifan Budi;Chien Phuoc Tran Nguyen;Worapong Singchat;Wongsathit Wongloet;Nichakorn Kumnan;Piangjai Chalermwong;Anh Huynh Luu;Kantika Noito;Thitipong Panthum;Pish Wattanadilokchatkun;Anuphong Payopat;Natthamon Klinpetch;Aingorn Chaiyes;Kanithaporn Vangnai;Chotika Yokthongwattana;Chomdao Sinthuvanich;Syed Farhan Ahmad;Narongrit Muangmai;Kyudong Han;Mitsuo Nunome;Akihiko Koga;Prateep Duengkae;Sompon Waipanya;Yoichi Matsuda;Kornsorn Srikulnath
    • Animal Bioscience
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    • v.37 no.12
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    • pp.2033-2043
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    • 2024
  • Objective: The remarkable adaptability to the environment, high growth rate, meat with good taste and aroma, and ornamental appearance of the Pradu Hang Dam (PDH) and Samae Dam (SD) chickens make them valuable for improvement of poultry production to enhance food security. However, despite their close phenotypic similarity, distinct classification of PDH and SD chickens remains controversial. Thus, this study aimed to clarify genetic origins and variation between PDH and SD chickens, genetic diversity and structures of PDH and SD chickens. Methods: This study analyzed 5 populations of PDH and 2 populations of SD chickens using 28 microsatellite markers and compared with those of other indigenous and local chicken breeds using Thailand's "The Siam Chicken Bioresource Project" database. Results: Considerably high genetic variability was observed within PDH (370 total alleles; 4.086±0.312 alleles/locus) and SD chickens (179 total alleles; 3.607±0.349 alleles/locus). A partial overlap of gene pools was observed between SD chickens from the Department of Livestock, Uthai Thani (SD1) and PDH chickens, suggesting a potentially close relationship between the two chicken breeds. A gene pool that partially overlapped with that of the red junglefowl was observed in the SD chicken population from the Sanhawat Farm Uthai Thani population (SD2). Distinct subclusters were observed within SD chickens, indicating the possibility that genetic differentiation occurred early in the process of establishment of SD chickens. Conclusion: These findings could offer valuable insights into genetic verification of Thai local chicken breeds and their sustainable conservation and utilization.

Diagnostic Efficacy of FDG-PET Imaging in Solitary Pulmonary Nodule (고립성폐결절의 진단시 FDG-PET의 임상적 유용성에 관한 연구)

  • Cheon, Eun Mee;Kim, Byung-Tae;Kwon, O. Jung;Kim, Hojoong;Chung, Man Pyo;Rhee, Chong H.;Han, Yong Chol;Lee, Kyung Soo;Shim, Young Mog;Kim, Jhingook;Han, Jungho
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.43 no.6
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    • pp.882-893
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    • 1996
  • Background : Over one-third of solitary pulmonary nodules are malignant, but most malignant SPNs are in the early stages at diagnosis and can be cured by surgical removal. Therefore, early diagnosis of malignant SPN is essential for the lifesaving of the patient. The incidence of pulmonary tuberculosis in Korea is somewhat higher than those of other countries and a large number of SPNs are found to be tuberculoma. Most primary physicians tend to regard newly detected solitary pulmonary nodule as tuberculoma with only noninvasive imaging such as CT and they prefer clinical observation if the findings suggest benignancy without further invasive procedures. Many kinds of noninvasive procedures for confirmatory diagnosis have been introduced to differentiate malignant SPNs from benign ones, but none of them has been satisfactory. FOG-PET is a unique tool for imaging and quantifying the status of glucose metabolism. On the basis that glucose metabolism is increased in the malignant transfomled cells compared with normal cells, FDG-PET is considered to be the satisfactory noninvasive procedure which can differentiate malignant SPNs from benign SPNs. So we performed FOG-PET in patients with solitary pulmonary nodule and evaluated the diagnostic accuracy in the diagnosis of malignant SPNs. Method : 34 patients with a solitary pulmonary nodule less than 6 cm of irs diameter who visited Samsung Medical Center from Semptember, 1994 to Semptember, 1995 were evaluated prospectively. Simple chest roentgenography, chest computer tomography, FOG-PET scan were performed for all patients. The results of FOG-PET were evaluated comparing with the results of final diagnosis confirmed by sputum study, PCNA, fiberoptic bronchoscopy, or thoracotomy. Results : (I) There was no significant difference in nodule size between malignant (3.1 1.5cm) and benign nodule(2.81.0cm)(p>0.05). (2) Peal SUV(standardized uptake value) of malignant nodules (6.93.7) was significantly higher than peak SUV of benign nodules(2.71.7) and time-activity curves showed continuous increase in malignant nodules. (3) Three false negative cases were found among eighteen malignant nodule by the FDG-PET imaging study and all three cases were nonmucinous bronchioloalveolar carcinoma less than 2 em diameter. (4) FOG-PET imaging resulted in 83% sensitivity, 100% specificity, 100% positive predictive value and 84% negative predictive value. Conclusion: FOG-PET imaging is a new noninvasive diagnostic method of solitary pulmonary nodule thai has a high accuracy of differential diagnosis between malignant and benign nodule. FDG-PET imaging could be used for the differential diagnosis of SPN which is not properly diagnosed with conventional methods before thoracotomy. Considering the high accuracy of FDG-PET imaging, this procedure may play an important role in making the dicision to perform thoracotomy in diffcult cases.

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Territorial Expansion the King Võ (Võ Vương, 1738-1765) in the Mekong Delta: Variation of Tám Thực Chi Kế (strategy of silkworm nibbling) and Dĩ Man Công Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians) in the Way to Build a New World Order (무왕(武王, 1738-1765) 시기 메콩 델타에서의 영토 확장 추이: 제국으로 가는 길, '잠식지계(蠶食之計)'와 '이만공만(以蠻攻蠻)'의 변주)

  • CHOI, Byung Wook
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.27 no.2
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    • pp.37-76
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    • 2017
  • $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.