• Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.161-183
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• 2002

This paper deals with the telicity variability on the point of Pustejovsky's (2000) event structures. Accomplishments and achievements have been known to show the telicity. According to Hay, Kennedy, and Levin (1999), however, open-range predicate in degree achievements, which do not show telicity, can show telicity in certain context. In order to explain this kind of telicity variability systematically, I will discuss Pustejovsky's (1995) Generative Lexicon Theory and the co-composition generative mechanism in section 2. In section 3, I will discuss Hay, Kennedy, and Levin's (1999) telicity variability and Lee Chungmin's (2000) modified extended lexical structure. In section 4, I will introduce Pustejovsky's (2000) event structures and modify them a little. And I will argue that the modified event structures can explain the telicity variability with the co-composition generative mechanism efficiently.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society for Language and Information Conference
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• 1996.02a
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• pp.147-156
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• 1996

• Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics
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• v.3 no.3
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• pp.341-373
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• 2003

A cross-linguistic examination of motion constructions reveals that the nature of the special property of English motion verbs that Tenny (1995) discussed-namely, why English can freely append locational delimiters to manner-of-motion verbs, as in Bill swam/rowed/canoed to the end of the lake -resides not in the verbs but in the semantic structure of the prepositions that denote transition from motion to end location. It is further argued that the differentiation of bounded paths from non-bounded Ones provides a clear-cut basis on which to distinguish motion constructions from resultative constructions. This proposal provides an alternative to the analyses of resultative constructions by Wechsler (1997) and Rappaport Hovav and Levin (2001).

• Language and Information
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.73-91
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• 2016

Korean adjectives in general cannot combine with measure phrases (MP), but MPs are compatible with adjectives when they appear with the inchoative morpheme -(e)ci. In this case, MPs can only denote the difference between two states along the dimension denoted by the root adjective. To account for this, this paper proposes that i) -(e)ci is a spell-out of V in the directed motion construction which takes an abstract path argument, like become, and ii) this path argument contains a comparative morpheme. By assuming this we can explain why MPs appear with -(e)ci, as well as other interesting phenomena such as variable telicity in deadjectival verbs with -(e)ci.

• Language and Information
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.41-69
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• 2002

This paper addresses the issue of constraints on the conversion of the participle II in German, proposing a constraint-based lexical semantic approach. I argue against the widely accepted syntactic view which is based on the dichotomous distinction of intransitive verbs, which has been advanced by the Unaccusative Hypothesis [Perlmutter (1978)]. Several arguments are also given against the semantic view which is based on some aspectual notions such as 'telicity', 'transformativity' or 'terminativity'. The crucial constraints on the conversion of the participle II in German, it is argued, is instead two lexical semantic entailments, movement with a definite change of location and affectedness. These and other lexical semantic entailments in the sense of Dowty (1991) are encoded into the multiple inheritance type hierarchy of qfpsoa. The proposal made in this paper is based on the multiple inheritance hierarchy which is envisaged in a recent framework of head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar.