• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.259-277
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• 2021

This article investigates the geopolitics of the energy transition era, concentrating on China's solar photovoltaic (PV) industry. Authors have noted that the rise of renewables is changing the geopolitical landscape of world energy systems, but these new energy sources carry their own technical characteristics and geopolitical implications. Bearing this in mind, this research answers the questions: What are the structural factors that facilitate China's use of renewable energy to achieve political goals, and what are their implications? In order to analyze the data, I devise an analytical framework based on the energy statecraft literature and contrast rival explanations, particularly the "prosumer theory" and the premise of less geopolitical interdependence in a renewable-centered world. I show that asymmetric interdependence in the solar PV sector is already a reality. China's solar PV industry is a case that suffices all conditions (centrality in industrial capacity, market share, and companies' compliance, but to a lesser extent in critical materials and technological endowments) in the solar PV sector to devise effective strategies aimed at reaping benefits out of its asymmetric interdependence with the rest of the world.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.313-342
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• 2018

Gubong Song Ik-pil could not behave according to his aspiration directly due to restrictions in his social standing. Despite that, he actually did so indirectly through either close friends or younger students by exhibiting 'cheobyeonwigwon (處變爲權) with the goal of jichijuui (至治主義). He insisted on people-oriented politics grounded on cheonmyeongsasang (天命思想) and also suggested the humbleness of the royal family and jinhyulchaek (賑恤策) based on love of the people. In addition, he promoted public welfare and stability to enhance patriotism and also insisted on the policy of strengthening national defense with seoeolgongsacheon (庶?公私賤)'s provision of military service through the enforcement of yangcheonjongbujongmobeop (良賤從父從母法). Also, according to the letter sent to Lee San-bo, he suggested public service ethics, for instance, personally, getting rid of ulterior motives, exhibiting diligence, integrity, and wisdom, and doing one's utmost to handle tasks fairly without causing any problems and externally, being actively involved in managing and utilizing persons of ability and also relieving the poor and managing masters as well. In brief, we can assume that Song Ik-pil's thought of statecraft (經世思想) is the concrete methodology to reach the politics of kingcraft called 'jichi (至治)' by stabilizing public welfare grounded on benevolent and benign administration. He is often compared to Jegalryang on account of his innate qualities and cleverness. He was equipped with the excellent capacity of gyeongse even referred to as the moju (謀主) of four persons, Yi Yi, Seong Hon, Jeong Cheol, and Lee Gwi, and harshly criticized as a slick evil (奸鬼), too. His gyeongsesasang, however, ended up being incomplete due to restrictions in his social status. He was a person who loved the people more than anyone else, kept suggesting innovative reform plans to stabilize the people's lives, and was capable of practicing them all. His ideal of jichi was left unfulfilled, however.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.141-164
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• 2020

The article closely considers an important aspect of the operation of nomadic charisma that has not yet been sufficiently addressed by historians. To do so, it examines the dynamics of nomadic power relations and the nomads' ensuing sense of properly balanced relations of power that found its manifestation when their rulers were required to share power in an effective way, one that would satisfy all parties involved. This was translated into the requirement to comply with established norms of social reciprocity toward one's kinsfolk that became crystallized into certain patterns of behavior. I argue that adherence to these patterns constituted the essential attributes of the nomads' psychological and cultural expectations that shaped their perception of a charismatic style of ruling.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.79-97
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• 2020

We discovered various sides of Lee Jema's tenure as the governor of Jinhae by looking at recently found historical materials of the central government of Joseon. Lee Jema went to his appointed post in Jinhae in February of 1887 and was replaced before the termination of his office in June of 1888. Since his replacement did not immediately arrive at Jinhae, Lee Jema continued to perform his duties until the first half of 1889. The difference between the date of his resignation and the arrival of his replacement reveals why various historical materials disagree about when he left office. After Lee Jema's official resignation in June of 1888, he was appointed to the honorary posts of Naegeumjang and Cheomji, which indicates the termination of his career as an official. Two superior officials conducted job assessments on Lee Jema three times during his service (once every six months) and these are the rare evaluations which were performed during his lifetime. Lee Jema was highly regarded in terms of job competency by two superiors in succession, which was unique for a local government official in the late Joseon dynasty. One of the job assessments referred to the potential of his performance as an official which usually implied that he was a suitable candidate for higher rank. This might have derived from Lee Jema's study of statecraft. Lee Jema's love for the people as an official was also mentioned in one of the job assessment reports. This is borne out by his quelling the revolt of Hamheung Province in 1896.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.97-115
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• 2022

What is the relationship between city diplomacy and public diplomacy in the United States? Whilst this question is often raised among scholars and practitioners of public diplomacy, a concrete and systematic response to it seems difficult to locate. This paper addresses the question by relying on earlier research based on empirical analysis of data from semi-structured interviews with city officials with international purview in the United States as well as with current and former officials at the U.S. Department of State who have worked on topics related to city diplomacy. The research and analysis that informs this paper and the diagrams it offers are hinged on design principles and adopt an architecture studio style approach to data analysis. Further, multidimensional scaling and correspondence analysis are used to visualize the convergence and divergence between the functions of public diplomacy, as introduced by Nicholas Cull, and the functions of city diplomacy that this paper introduces. This is done to first, provide a framework for understanding the dynamics between city diplomacy and public diplomacy; and second, uncover the policy intervention space that could guide policies for making U.S. city diplomacy and public diplomacy more strategically aligned.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.139-169
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• 2016

Nakron School of the ruling Noron Party in late Joseon Dynasty was at the helm of state with Neo-Confucian ideology and it came out of being obsessed with conventional 'spiritual' aspects and changed both political and academic atmosphere with interests in 'matters.' The power leading such a change was scholars in Seoksil Seowon (石室書院) which centered around Kim Won-Haeng (金元行). However, except for few progressive scholars-Bukhak scholars (北學論者), most of Nakron scholars secretly acknowledged the actuality of Qing Dynasty but they failed to get out of old Neo-Confucian traditions. It was difficult for them to accept Bukhak theory which jeopardized the existence of administration. They sought plans both to keep Neo-Confucian traditions and Sinocentrism in Joseon and to reach the cultural level of Qing Dynasty and in that process, they recognized restoration of the statecraft study (經世學) summarized on Seongridaejeon as an alternative. Hwang Yun-Seok is a representative Neo-Confucian scholar in such response of Nakron. He rediscovered value of the science of xiangshu in the Neo-Confucian category and highlighted importance of Seongridaejeon yet again.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.327-360
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• 2018

Ryu Seongryong, a Confucian scholar and politician, are two sides of the same coin that cannot be separated from each other. The scholarship of Confucian intellectuals is oriented toward the practice of the managing state and salvation of the world(經國濟世), and the precise study of historical precedent and political scene affects the success or failure of politicians. Ryu was able to become a real savior of Joseon Dynasty in crisis, because he synthesized dialectically both without distinction between theory and field. However, previous studies on Ryu did not pay attention to these points. In this article, I would like to start from the point that Ryu was interested in the Learning of Wang Yangming without being satisfied with the Neo-Confucianism. And I want to emphasize that he had a pragmatic view that was different from the orthodox scholars and that he was able to demonstrate his ability to cope with crisis even when Joseon was hit by the Japanese invasion of 1592. In short, this article seeks to re-examine Ryu's life in terms of pragmatism and realism which pursued a balance between learning and practice.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.25-57
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• 2021

As the strategic competition between the United States and China for global hegemony intensifies, China is using economic sanctions against other countries more and more frequently. Republic of Korea, which has China as its largest trading partner but is an ally of the United States, is more likely to be a target of economic sanctions, as seen in China's retaliation toward its deployment of a THAAD missile-defense system. Against the background, this paper analyzes China's economic sanctions, especially focusing on its informality. China does not publicly declare economic sanctions in most cases, such as Korean one, in which the trade structure is in its favor and can take advantage of its position as a big buyer with huge markets. However, China responds in a more open and formal manner when it is related to its core interests, when it is impossible to exert substantial sanctions effect and when mutual disputes intensify and cannot maintain informality. Korea, which is vulnerable to China's informal economic sanctions, should prepare for them by analyzing the characteristics of China's economic sanctions in depth and thinking about various strategies and measures in advance.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.23
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• pp.217-244
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• 2008

This research studied Minor Annotation of Elementary Learning("小學枝言") and Private Examination of Classic of the Mind("心經密驗") from the ethical perspective. Minor Annotation of Elementary Learning and Private Examination of Classic of the Mind are writings that play a role of bridge between Chinese classics(經學) and Theory of Statecraft(經世論). These two essays were written for the purpose of putting virtue into practice, which had been attained by studying Chinese classics, through a vehicle called Theory of Statecraft. If Minor Annotation of Elementary Learning called as a book of cultivation of outward morality or outward behavior, then Private Examination of Classic of the Mind is the book for cultivation of inward temperament. The 'practice' emphasized by Dasan through these two essays denotes ceaseless efforts toward goodness or virtue. Such efforts can be interpreted as 'ethical practice', if looked at from the perspective of aggressive struggle toward virtue. Dasan, in these two essays, had stressed to practice Good(善) through positive and lively actions. The matter of Good and Bad(善惡) in humans is not associated with their mind, but related to their practice. That is to say, humans may turn out to be good through means of 'ethical practice'. For Dasan, 'ethical practice' toward Good should have to be continued and upheld not only in the course of self-cultivation, but also in 'establishing relationship' with others. Such an assertion of Dasan was to lay emphasis on accomplishment of 'ethical practice' toward Good amid close relationship between personal and social ethics. Also, Dasan had emphasized free will(自由意志) in humans. This means that Good and Bad will be determined according to humans' free will, and to the same extent, that humans are responsible for its consequence. It is noted that Dasan had stressed that any human having free will should have to be a 'man of virtue'(君子) through means of 'ethical practice'.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.13 no.2 s.20
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• pp.15-25
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• 2007

Neo-Confucianism(性理學) which provided an ideological base to found Chosun Dynasty which substituted for Koryu Dynasty, presented In-Cheong(仁政) as ideal statecraft. In-Cheong(仁政) is realizing spirit of In(仁) which means a forever creating power(生生之心), for that reason it was a natural result that the ruling class of Chosun Dynasty had interest in medical science. Therefore they remarked 'In-Cheong(仁政) has achieved' when medical books were published, also remarked Hwal-In-Seo(活人署） as an institute of realizing Wang-Cheong(王政) while Hwal-In-Seo(活人署) was placed in very low civil service grade, although the ruling class classified medical science as a Chap-Hak(雜學) which means not essential but necessary knowledge, and ranked it much lower than Confucianism. While had improved medical service system of Korea Dynasty, Chosun Dynasty had special interest in local medicine: expanding provincal medical centers, educating a medical student(醫生) in a medical school who was core human power in local medicine, etc. Nevertheless the local medicine was still depressed. The reasons are ; not providing enough medical center, not much fund to run each center and mobilizing a medical student(醫生) for miscellaneous labor. Depressed local medicine had changed when 士族 came to have an interest in medical science. 士族 had read a lots of medical books from the early Chosun Dynasty. 16th century they even wrote some books on medicine by themselves based on their experience as a provincial governor.　On the other hand Yi-Mun-Geon(李文楗) who wrote Muk-Jae Diary belongs to the latter. He did not use the art of acupucture. He was a civil official in Seoul, so he could get a lots of books and enough medical stuffs. After a while. he was exiled in Seong-Ju(星州) and took part in local medicine there. The local medicine was depressed in Seong-Ju(星州) at that time. Yi-Mun-Geon(李文楗) was a kind of medical consultant as well as a local doctor. Such medical doings by Sa-Jok(士族) may be a moment that provide power to local Sa-Jok(士族). Sa-Jok(士族) themselves were enthusiastic in treating their sick slaves because the slaves were financial foundation of Sa-Jok(士族). After 17th century, however, the relative importance which Sa-Jok(士族) in the country had held in 16th century had decreased gradually while professional doctors bad increased.