• 동남아시아연구
• /
• 제28권1호
• /
• pp.1-20
• /
• 2018

2017년 동남아의 정치경제는 대미의존적 안보질서와 대중의존적 경제질서가 중첩하는 역설적 '이중질서'로 요약되는 동아시아의 지정학적 지경학적 조건에서 전개된다. 경제발전의 지속적 진전과 정치발전의 만성적 부진이 날카롭게 엇갈리는 동남아의 두 얼굴은 동남아와 동북아를 포괄하는 동아시아의 두 얼굴을 충실하게 반영한다. 정치적 차원에서, 전체주의의 향수를 떨쳐내기 어려운 베트남, 라오스, 캄보디아, 미얀마 등 구사회주의권은 전체주의와 권위주의 사이의 완충지대에 서식하고, 민주주의의 명분을 저버리기 어려운 필리핀, 태국, 인도네시아, 말레이시아, 싱가포르 등 원자본주의권은 권위주의와 민주주의 사이의 회색지대를 전전한다. 경제적 차원에서, 계획경제의 거대한 유산을 포기하기 어려운 구사회주의권은 신국가주의적 '베이징 콘센서스'로 분장되는 중국형 국가자본주의의 은밀한 유혹과 타협하고, 시장경제의 화려한 신화를 외면하기 어려운 원자본주의권은 신자유주의적 '워싱턴 콘센서스'로 포장되는 미국형 자유자본주의의 오만한 압력에 노출된다. 그에 따라 동남아의 지역통합을 대변하는 아세안 공동체는 대륙세력과 해양세력의 경쟁적 협공에 따라 '신냉전'의 부상이 예감되는 전략적 곤경에서 끊임없이 부침한다.

• 동남아시아연구
• /
• 제21권1호
• /
• pp.249-286
• /
• 2011

This study examines the nature of the world order or the international relations of the 19th century Vietnam. Those who are familiar with the Chinese world order based on the tributary system, have applied the quasi-Chinese world order concept to Vietnam by the terms of 'smaller dragon,' 'little China,' and 'Chinese model.' According to this way of understanding, Vietnamese empire was the imitation or the small sized version of the Chinese empire. Examples are to label Vietnamese emperor as the "Southeast Asian version of the Chinese emperor" or "an absolute photocopy of the Chinese world order." But the author of this article raises questions to this framework of the Chinese Model, and looks for the Vietnamese own world order based on the Southeast Asian tradition. Two issues are discussed in this study. First is the Vietnamese relationships with Southeast Asia. According to author, the first concern of Vietnam in relation to diplomatic relations was to the Mainland Southeast Asian countries. To clarify the contacts with Southeast Asia and Western powers, Vietnamese relationships with the regions of Island Southeast Asian countries were also examined. Second issue is to see the ways how Vietnam maintained its own world order in the course of wars and diplomacy with China. Author argues that the world order of the 19th century Vietnam was closer to the traditional world order of mandala in the Southeast Asia than to the quasi Chinese world order. The relationships among the countries were rather equal than hierarchical. Vietnam regarded the countries of Southeast Asia especially Thailand and Burma as the equal countries. China was one of the equal countries to the eyes of Vietnamese leaders and Vietnam did not have enough room to embody the quasi Chinese world order though the Vietnamese rulers used the titles of emperor, which was the Vietnamese version of Southeast Asian 'king.' In conclusion, the world order of Vietnam is summarized into the two facets of $l{\hat{a}}n$ giao(diplomatic relations with neighbors) and bang giao(diplomatic relations between two countries i.e. Vietnam and China). $l{\hat{a}}n$ giao was to the countries of Southeast Asia while the bang giao was the term and concept for the diplomatic relationship with China. These two relationships composed Vietnamese foreign relationship, ngo?i giao. Author claims that these two relations were based on the spirit of equality that emerged from the beginning of the 19th century.

• 수완나부미
• /
• 제7권1호
• /
• pp.13-57
• /
• 2015

The paper brings together several strands of debate and deliberation in which I have been involved since the early 2000s on the definition of Southeast Asia and the rationale of Southeast Asian Studies. I refer to the relationship between area studies and methodologies as a conundrum (or puzzle), though I should state from the outset that I think it is much more of a conundrum for others than for me. I have not felt the need to pose the question of whether or not area studies generates a distinctive method or set of methods and research practices, because I operate from a disciplinary perspective; though that it is not to say that the question should not be posed. Indeed, as I have earned a reputation for "revisionism" and championing disciplinary approaches rather than regional ones, it might be anticipated already the position that I take in an examination of the relationships between methodologies and the practice of "area studies" (and in this case Southeast Asian [or Asian] Studies). Nevertheless, given the recent resurgence of interest in the possibilities provided by the adoption of regional perspectives and the grounding of data gathering and analysis within specified locations in the context of globalization, the issues raised for researchers working in Southeast Asia and within the field of Southeast Asian Studies require revisiting.

• Nuclear Engineering and Technology
• /
• 제51권6호
• /
• pp.1696-1707
• /
• 2019

This paper conducts a qualitative policy analysis of current challenges to safety culture and security culture in Southeast Asia and emerging best practices in Northeast Asia that are aimed at strengthening both cultures. It analyses lessons, including strengths and limitations, that can be derived from Northeast Asian states, given the long history of nuclear energy in South Korea, China and Japan. It identifies and examines best practices from Northeast Asia's Nuclear Security Centres of Excellence in terms of boosting nuclear security culture and their relevance for Southeast Asia. The paper accentuates the important role of the State in adopting policy and regulatory frameworks and in institutionalising nuclear education and training programmes to deepen the safety-security cultures. Best practices in and challenges to developing a nuclear safety culture and a security culture in East Asia are examined using three frameworks of analysis (i) a comprehensive nuclear policy framework; (ii) a proactive and independent regulatory body; and (iii) holistic nuclear education and training programmes. The paper argues that Southeast Asian states interested in harnessing nuclear energy and/or utilising radioactive sources for non-power applications must develop a comprehensive policy framework on developing safety and security cultures, a proactive regulatory body, and holistic nuclear training programmes that cover both technical and human factors. Such measures are crucial in order to mitigate human errors that may lead to radiological accidents and nuclear security crises. Key lessons from Japan, South Korea and China such as best practices and challenges can inform policy recommendations for Southeast Asia in enhancing safety-security cultures.

• 수완나부미
• /
• 제16권2호
• /
• pp.91-113
• /
• 2024

Since the last years of the twentieth century, the approach to children's literature from ecocriticism has been discussed in academic fora around the world, especially in the US and Europe. In Southeast Asia, with the foundation of the ASEAN Association of Environment and Literature in 2016, there have been scholarly discussions about the capacity of children's literature to enhance ecological awareness in the region. In Vietnam, since the early years of the 21st century, with the increasing reception of ecocriticism from outside, children's literary works have become the subject of ecocriticism. This article examines scholarly works approaching children's literature in Vietnam, pointing out how they elucidate messages about environmental education. By studying Vietnamese ecocritical scholarship of various types including research, commentaries, and criticism on children's literature, this article argues that ecological education is a prominent feature in the relationship between ecocriticism and children's literature in Vietnam. As such, Vietnamese ecocriticism of children's literature shares the prominent argument of international materials on children's literature and ecocriticism, particularly in Southeast Asia.

• 수완나부미
• /
• 제7권2호
• /
• pp.57-78
• /
• 2015

Southeast Asia has been a showcase for democratic transitions in the past 30 years. This paper proposes a conceptual lens for studying political shifts in the Southeast Asian region. The argumentative storyline follows two fundamental propositions about democratic transitions. My first proposition is that during democratic transitions, human phenomena arise on nested analytical layers namely the global arena, the state, prodemocracy movements, and individuals. Each layer is conventionally studied by international relations, political science, sociology, and psychology respectively. I propose a multidisciplinary lens that transverses all these analytical layers. A second proposition is that during political shifts, social conditions are historically-situated. Historicity is anchored on stages of democratization, namely the authoritarian regime, toppling the regime, power shift, state building, and nation building. This paper describes a 4 × 5 matrix (analytical layer × historical stage) that may guide a regional agenda on the empirical study of democratic transitions in the Southeast Asian region. It likewise gives examples of research findings in Philippine-based studies that have already begun to provide empirical data about segments of this research matrix.

• Nutrition Research and Practice
• /
• 제16권4호
• /
• pp.489-504
• /
• 2022

BACKGROUND/OBJECTIVES: This study examined socio-economic differences in diverse food consumption among children 6-23 months of age in South Asia and Southeast Asian countries. SUBJECTS/METHODS: Data from Demographic and Health Surveys in four countries in South Asia (n = 15,749) and four countries in Southeast Asia (n = 10,789) were used. Survey-design adjusted proportions were estimated for the following 10 food items: grains, legumes, dark green leafy vegetables (DGLV), vitamin A-rich fruits, vitamin A-rich vegetables, other fruits and vegetables (OFV), fish, meat, dairy, and eggs. An equity gap was defined as an arithmetic difference in the proportion of each food item consumed in the past 24-hours between the wealthiest and lowest quintiles and between rural and urban areas, denoted by percentage points (pp). RESULTS: The consumption of most of the 10 food items was higher in the wealthiest quintiles and urban areas across eight countries. The size of equity gaps was greater in Southeast Asia than in South Asia, particularly for vitamin A-rich fruits (3.3-30.0 pp vs. 0.3-19.6 pp), vitamin A-rich vegetables (12.1-26.7 pp vs. 2.4-5.9 pp), meat (17.7-33.4 pp vs. 3.4-13.4 pp), and dairy (14.7-32.5 pp vs. 3.3-11.4 pp). However, the size of equity gap in egg consumption was greater in Southeast Asia than South Asia (11.2-19.8 pp vs. 11.0-26.7 pp). Relatively narrower gaps were seen in the consumption of grains (0.3-12.9 pp), DGLV (0.6-12.4 pp), and fish (0.1-16.8 pp) across all countries. CONCLUSIONS: Equity gaps in food consumption differed by socio-economic status and region. Reducing equity gaps in nutrient-rich foods and utilizing regionally available food resources may increase child dietary quality.

• 한국산업정보학회논문지
• /
• 제20권6호
• /
• pp.79-90
• /
• 2015

1990년대 후반 이래로 한류는 아시아 국가들 사이에 큰 이슈였다. 러시아, 동유럽, 남아메리카를 포함한 어떤 지역에서는 확산되지만 동남아시아, 중국, 일본을 포함한 다른 지역에서는 쇠퇴해왔다. 이처럼 한류의 흐름은 지금까지 크게 변화해왔다. 따라서 한류를 시점별로 특성의 차이를 연구할 필요가 있다. 본 연구는 동남아시아의 한류시점별 특성의 변화로부터 몇 가지 시사점을 보여주고자 한다. 이러한 목적을 달성하기 위하여 본 연구는 게시판과 이메일을 통하여 2511건의 요구사항을 분류하고 분석하였다. 본 연구는 QFD 방법론을 통하여 동남아 문화권의 요구사항을 활용하고 한류시점별로 국가브랜드를 강화하면서 e-서비스품질을 개선하는 방법을 제시한다. 논문의 시사점은 웹사이트를 설계할 때 활용될 수 있다.

• 동남아시아연구
• /
• 제24권1호
• /
• pp.223-225
• /
• 2014

• 수완나부미
• /
• 제11권2호
• /
• pp.59-83
• /
• 2019

The Chinese Belt Road initiatives in the Southeast Asian countries marked a new chapter in the development of China political influence on this region. This article looks at the initiative from the cultural dimension and aims to place its narrative as the entry point to understand the use of identity politics in Asian countries that target the Chinese diaspora. This topic relates to the primordial sentiments of Southeast Asian nations amid massive Chinese investment in the region. The issue of Chinese investments under the Belt Road Initiative corridor has a relationship with the formation of anti-Chinese discourse and anti-communist in some Southeast Asian countries. We took the cases of Indonesian and Malaysian elections to observe the use of identity politics and anti-Chinese political discourse in Southeast Asia. In both cases, a common issue emerged, that of the strengthening both Islamic and indigenous sensibilities. The establishment of ASEAN during the Cold War may be seen then as an anti-thesis to emerging Chinese power. However, anti-Chinese and anti-communism sentiments were not enough to unite the forces of the nations of Southeast Asia. We have concluded that brotherhood, mutual prosperity, and anti-neo-colonialism are yet to be fostered completely to make a distinct ASEAN identity.