• 한국인구학
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• 제24권1호
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• pp.91-121
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• 2001

본 연구논문은 IMF 경제위기가 우리의 가족생활에 미친 영향을 살펴보았다. 경제위기가 가져온 생활수준의 변화와 경제적 고통의 내용과 함께 가족간의 접촉의 정도나 가족폭력, 가족해체 등 가족관계에 일어난 변화를 살펴보았다. 또한 친족 친지와 주고받은 경제적 도움의 정도나 소비지출행동의 변화를 통해서 완만한 사회변화 과정에서는 잘 드러나지 않았던 한국 가족의 특성 및 가족생활의 단면을 살펴 보았다. 뿐만아니라 경제위기가 장차 성별관계에 미칠 영향을 여성들의 취업동기의 강화나 역할행동의 변화라는 관점에서 검토해 보았다. 경제위기는 가족관계에 변화를 가져왔다. 전체적으로 실업이 생긴 가족들은 가족관계에 무엇인가 달라졌다고 느낀 경우가 많았고, 긍정적으로든 부정적으로든 부부 간의 접촉빈도가 높아졌다. 부부간의 폭력이나 해체의 가능성이 비교적 낮게 나타난 반면, 자녀에 대한 폭력이 이보다 직접적으로 반영되었다. 사회적 보장제도나 친구에 비해서 친족은 여전히 가장 중요한 경제적 의지의 대상으로 존재하고 인다는 사실도 확인되었다. 특히 친정이 도움의 자원으로 활용되고 있다는 점은 주목할 만하다. 이러한 사실들은 기존의 서구사회를 대상으로 한 조사결과들과 다소 다른 것들이므로, 우리사회를 해석하는 중요한 자료가 될 수 있을 것이다. 뿐만 아니라, 경제위기의 소비 변화를 통해서 우리사회에서 문화비용과, 병원비. 그리고 사교육비가 지출의 신축성을 가진 부분인 것이 드러났다. 그리고 경제위기에 직면하여 여성들의 취업에서 경제적 동기가 강화되는 측면과 함께 역할행동의 변화가능성도 일부 제시되었다.

• 한국지역사회생활과학회지
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• 제18권3호
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• pp.417-431
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• 2007

This study investigates the differences among residental areas in the health, standard of living, and social relationships of female elderly living alone. The total of 501 subjects(185 from rural areas, 159 from fishing communities, 77 from the islands, and 80 from urban areas) were questioned from May to July, 2006. The research area was confined to Chungcheong Province. The female elderly living alone of this study were an average of seventy-three years old, had a low cost of living, and received little formal school education. Over sixty percent(60.3) of them lived on less than thirty dollars a month which was the recognized Korean poverty level in 2006. The female elderly living alone were evaluated as being in good health, but they themselves perceived their health as being poor. Observed by residential areas, the subjects in urban areas were lower in ADL, and both the urban dwellers and the islanders appeared to be higher in their satisfaction with medical services as compared to those in rural areas and fishing communities. The fishing villagers showed the lowest standard of living for female elderly living alone. The analysis of social relationships as seen in the different residental areas revealed that the female elderly living alone g in urban areas tended to be receiving social supports rather than providing for others, and subjects living in fishing areas and the islands proved to be relatively higher in the exchange of social supports. In relation to offspring, the female elderly living alone in urban areas had a lower frequency of meeting with their children and also a lesser degree of intimacy with them because they lived at a distance. On the other hand, subjects living in rural areas and fishing communities had a higher frequency of meeting with their children and a greater degree of intimacy with them even if they lived at a distance. The study also showed that the female elderly living alone in the islands had a higher frequency of once meeting per three week with their offspring and a higher degree of intimacy with them because they all live in the same islands. In conclusion, the subject living in urban areas appeared to be isolated from their offspring as compared to the other seniors in the study. The female elderly living alone in urban areas suffered from an insufficient network of relatives and neighbors, and they experienced a poor quality of relationships to their offspring. Almost all of the lone seniors in the study had a low score in social activities; however, the female elderly living alone in urban areas revealed a higher level of participation in volunteer activities, group activities, and educational activities. Nevertheless, the lone seniors living in urban areas were not satisfied with their participation in social activities. The subjects living in rural in fishing communities and the islands showed more participation in money-making activities. This study suggests that the policies for female elderly living alone should reflect the differences of regional characteristics.