• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.54-66
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• 1988

I. Introduction Since the 1970's drug abuse among young people has increasingly become a social problem in Korea. In the 1980's, drug abuse, especially glue sniffing, has become the cause of many unfortunated incidents resulting in harm to others as well as the abusers themselves. Taking into consideration of the seriousness of this problem, the Republic of Korea National Red Cross initiated a nation-wide research programme, to understand the present situation and to raise the level of public awareness. The goal of this research was to begin a nation - wide campaign against drug abuse. The research team was composed of the Advisary Committee members and the staff of the Youth Department of the Republic of Korea National Red Cross. The data were collected in February 1988 with the collaboration of the staff and volunteers in the local Chapters. The respondents were allocated nation-wide by the quota sampling method. The questionnaires were distributed to the respondents in three groups :2, 700 to junior and senior high school students, 605 to working youths, and 916 to delinquent youths. A total of 4, 221 questionnaires were collected. II. Characteristics of the Respondents The respondents in each group were selected evenly from rural and urban areas. The general characteristics of the respondents can be described as follow: in case of students, the proportions between male and female respondents, and between senior high school and junior high school students were almost evenly distributed. In case of working youths, the proportion of females (80.5%) was higher than those of the students and the delinquents groups. Delinquent youths were defined as those currently being under custody of the centers for juvenile delinquents. Of this number, 38.8% and 68.2% were junior and senior high school drop-outs respectively. The majority of them (92.6%) were male. As for the family background of the respondents, the proportion of those residing in poverty - stricken areas, and the proportion of those from broken families were higher in case of working youths and delinquent youths than those in case of students. III. Present Patterns of Drug Abuse The following summarizes the presents of drug abuse, as tabulated from the results of the survey. 1. Smoking The percentage of youths who smoke was 36% in the student group, 32% m the working youths group, and 94.4% in the delinquent youths group. 2. Alcohol 50.3% of students, 71.6% of working youths, and 93.3% of delinquent youths has experienced drinking alcohol beverages. 3. Tonic: non - alcoholic, caffeinated beverages popular in Korea and Japan The percentage of those who have used tonic at least once was over 90% in all of the three groups. 4. Sedative About 70% of each group has used sedative with the proportion of working youths use higher than those in other groups. 5. Stimulants Those who have used stimulants comprised around 15% in each group. 6. Tranquilizers Somewhat less than 5% of students and working youths, and 28% of delinquent youths, have used tranquilizers. 7. Hypnotics The users of hypnotics amounted to 0.4% of students, 2.6% of working youths and 7.1% of delinquent youths. 8. Marihuana Those who have used marihuana indicated 0.7% of students, 0.8% of working youths, and 13% of delinquent youths. 9. Glue-sniffing The percentage of glue-sniffing was 3.7%, 5% in the students group and in the youths group respectively, but the proportion was unusually high, at 40.7% in the delinquent youths group. From the results of the survey the present situation of drug abuse in Korea can be summarized as follows: 1. A high percentage of Korean youths have experienced smoking cigarettes and drinking alcoholic beverages. 2. Tonics (non - alcoholic, caffeinated beverages), antipyretic analgesics and stimulants quite regularly used. 3. Tranquilizers, hypnotics, marihuana and glue-sniffing are more widely used among delinquent youths than the other youths. From this fact, there exists a correlation between drug abuse and juvenile delinquency. IV. Time-series Analysis of the First Experience of Drug Abuse and Deviant Behaviour The respoundents were asked when they were first exposed to drugs and when they committed deviant acts. By calculating the average age of each experience, the following pattern was found (See Figure 1). Youths are first exposed to drugs by abuse of tonic(non - alcoholic, caffeinated beverages). At the age of 13, they amoke cigarettes, the use of antipyretic analgesics begins at 14 year old, while at the age of 15, they use tranquilizers, and at 16 hynotics. The period of drug abuse which starts from drinking caffeinated beverages and smoking cigarettes and ends in the use of hypnotics takes about three years. During this period, other delinquent behaviours begin to surface, that is, at the age of 13 when smoking cigarettes begins, the delinquent behaviour pattern starts with truancy. Next, they start taking money from others by using physical force. Prior to the age of 15, they are suspended from school, become hostile to adults, begin running away from home, and start using stimulants and alcohol. Soon they become involved even in glue-sniffing and in the use of marihuana. At the age of 15, they begin to see adult videos and carry weapons. Sexual promiscuity and usage of tranquilizers follows the viewing of adult videos. Consequently, by the time they reach the age of 16, they visit drinking establishments, and are picked up by police for committing delinquent acts. And finally, they come to use hypnotic - type drugs. From the above descriptions, drug abuse can be assumed to have a close correlation with delinquent behaviour. V. Social Factors Related to Drug Abuse As for the Korean youths, glue-sniffing is found to he related to aggressive delinquency, in such cases as run - aways, being picked up by the police, and taking money by force. Smoking cigarettes and drinking alcohol is found to be related to seeing adult videos and visiting drinking establishments. Hypnotics and marihuana were found to be representive of drugs which are related to degenerational delinquency, irrespective of social delinquency. The social factors connected with these drug abuse are as follows: 1. Individual factors Male students were more heavily involved in the usage of drug than females. Youths who do not attend church were more likely to be involved in drugs than those who attend. 2. Family factors The youths who were displeased with their mothers smoking and those who thought their parents did not love each other, or those whose parents had used drugs without prescription, were more likely to he drug users. 3. School factors Those youths who found school life boring, were unsuccessful in their studies, spend most of their time with friends, feel their teachers smoke too much, those who had a positive perception of their teachers smoking were likely to he drug users. To sum up, drug abusers depend on the influence of their parents, teachers and peers. IV. Reasons for Drug Abuse Korean students have mainly used drugs to release stress (42.8%), to stay awake (19.7%), and because of the easy accessibility of drugs( 16.6%). Other reasons are due to their ignorance of the side effects of the drugs (3.6%), natural curiosity (4.2%), and to increase strength(3.O%). From the above facts, the major reasons for drug abuse among Korean youths are to release stress and to stay awake in order to prepare exams. Furthermore, since drugs are readily available, we can conclude that drug abuse is caused by the school system(such as entrance exams) in Korea. VII. Conclusion Drug usage among Korean youths are relatively less common than those of western youths. In some cases, such as, glue-sniffing and use of stimulants, the pattern of drug abuse is found. Moreover, early drug abuse is evident, and it has a close connection with deviant behaviour, resulting in juvenile delinquency. Drug abuse cannot be attributed to any one social factor. Specifically, drug abuse depends on parents, peers, teachers and other members of the community, and also is influenced by social institutions such as the entrance exam system. Every person and organization concerned with youth must participate collectively in restraining drug abuse. Finally, it is suggested that social agencial working for youth welfare should make every effort to tackle this serious problem confronted by the Korean youths today.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.10
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• pp.450-493
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• 1997

Three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽) is the change state of yum-yang(陰陽) which is caused by six gi(六氣). They mean the flow of six gi(六氣) which exist throughout the viscera, the channel(經絡), and the skin. But it is not easy to understand the meaning because the contents of the attribute of three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽), the bolt-leaf-hanges(關闔樞) theory and large or small of gi-blood(氣血多少) which is the main clue that explain it in ${\ll}$Somun(素問)${\gg}$ and ${\ll}$Yeongchu(靈樞)${\gg}$ don't coincide with each other. I, the writer, tried to understand the uncertain meaning and the contents which are written about three points above differently in each of the books that are ${\ll}$Somun(素問)${\gg}$ and ${\ll}$Yeongchu(靈樞)${\gg}$. So, from that the course that the book, ${\ll}$Huangjenegeong(黃帝內經)${\gg}$ is handed down is so relatively simple in a wood block-printed book, that the ${\ll}$Huangjenegeongtaeso(黃帝內經太素)${\gg}$ has less wong-words than the Somun(素問) and the Yeongchu(靈樞), and from that Yangshangsun(楊上善) wrote the note in the ${\ll}$Huangjenegeongtaeso(黃帝內經太素)${\gg}$ by royal order about 100 years former than Wangbing(王氷), as making projects of Yangshangsun(楊上善)'s note and the original of the ${\ll}$Huangjenegeongtaeso(黃帝內經太素)${\gg}$ which has relation to the yum-yang(陰陽) attribute of three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽), the bolt-leaf-hanges(關闔樞) theory, and the large or small of gi-blood(氣血多少) and researching the Yangshangsun(楊上善)'s theory. The result is summarized like this. First, wherease the order of the change of three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽) which is explained by Yangshangsun(楊上善) consider the change of yangi(陽氣) in body most important, the order of the change gaeggi(客氣)'s three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽) considers chungi(天氣) most important, and the order of jugi(主氣)'s three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽) considers jigi(地氣)'s change of ohaeng(五行) most important. If the order of change three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽) in the ${\ll}$Huangjenegeongtaeso(黃帝內經太素)${\gg}$ is considered, each of taeyang(太陽) and soyum(少陰) are expressed as the base of yum-yang(陰陽) and yangmeong(陽明) and taeyum(太陰) are expressed as the palmy days of yum-yang(陰陽), soyang(少陽) and gyolyum(厥陰) are expressed as pacemaker(樞杻) which controls the change of yum-yang(陰陽). Thus, each has something in common that is fettered by the inside and outside. In the flow of channel(經絡), taeyang(太陽) and soyum(少陰) take charge of the behind of body, yangmeong(陽明) and taeyum(太陰) take charge of the front of body and soyang(少陽) and gyolyum(厥陰) take of the side of body. Second, in Yangshangsun(楊上善)'s bolt-leaf-hanges(關闔樞) theory, three-yum(三陰) is regarded as inside, three-yang(三陽) as outside, so when bolt, leaf and hanges fulfil their duties in inside and outside, the life(life force) is thought to be revealed normally. It is impossible to understand the bolt-leaf-hanges with the conception of the inside and outside which divide three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽) into taeyang-soyum(太陽-少陰), yangmeong-taeyum(陽明-太陰), soyang-gyolyum(少陽-厥陰) according to yum-yang(陰陽) attribute, hence it need the special conception that is taeyang(太陽)-taeyum(太陰), yangmeong(陽明)-gyolyum(厥陰), soyang(少陽)-soyum(少陰) which center on their duties in inside and outside. In the denunciation of the word open(開) and bolt(關), because Yangshangsun(楊上善) said that the duities of taeyang(太陽) and taeyum(太陰) are shutter(閉禁), bolt(關) is coincided with that significance. Third, with explaining the large or small of gi-blood(氣血多少) of three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽), Yangshangsun(楊上善) expressed the inside and outside either in the same way or differently. Because the inside and outside is interior of body and exterior of body, it is the explanation that is noticed by the fact that the property of large or small of gi-blood(氣血多少) is either able to be same or different. In this viewpoint, if we unite the contents about large or small of gi-blood(氣血多少) of ${\ll}$Somun(素問)${\gg}$, ${\ll}$Yeongchu(靈樞)${\gg}$, we will find that the descriptions of large or small of gi-blood(氣血多少) of three-yang(三陽) in ${\ll}$Somun(素問)${\gg}$ ${\ll}$Yeongchu(靈樞)${\gg}$ correspond with the ${\ll}$Huangjenegeongtaeso(黃帝內經太素)${\gg}$, but in three-yum(三陰), the contrary presentations exit. The reason is that large or small of gi-blood(氣血多少) of three-yum(三陰) isn't only expressed as che(體) in the point of che-yong(體用), but as a point of yong(用) that is a phenomenon. As researching the original of ${\ll}$Huangjenegeongtaeso(黃帝內經太素)${\gg}$ and Yangshangsun(楊上善)'s notes as a center about three problems that are yum-yang(陰陽) attribute, the bolt-leaf-hanges(關闔樞) and large or small of gi-blood(氣血多少) of three-yum and three-yang(三陰三陽), I, the writer, tried to explain the part which is written differently or has uncertain conception in the book ${\ll}$Somun(素問)${\gg}$ and the book ${\ll}$Yeongchu(靈樞)${\gg}$, but the concrete result of the work like this will be judged according to the question how many theories are correspondent with real presence at a sickbed. Hence, the work to veryfy the theories in the future will be left as assignment.

• Maritime Security
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.1-53
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• 2022

One manifestation of the contemporary era of renewed great power competition has been the deepening relationship between China and Russia. Their strengthening military ties, notwithstanding their lack of a formal defense alliance, have been especially striking. Since China and Russia deploy two of the world's most powerful navies, their growing maritime cooperation has been one of the most significant international security developments of recent years. The Sino-Russian naval exercises, involving varying platforms and locations, have built on years of high-level personnel exchanges, large Russian weapons sales to China, the Sino-Russia Treaty of Friendship, and other forms of cooperation. Though the joint Sino-Russian naval drills began soon after Beijing and Moscow ended their Cold War confrontation, these exercises have become much more important during the last decade, essentially becoming a core pillar of their expanding defense partnership. China and Russia now conduct more naval exercises in more places and with more types of weapons systems than ever before. In the future, Chinese and Russian maritime drills will likely encompass new locations, capabilities, and partners-including possibly the Arctic, hypersonic delivery systems, and novel African, Asian, and Middle East partners-as well as continue such recent innovations as conducting joint naval patrols and combined arms maritime drills. China and Russia pursue several objectives through their bilateral naval cooperation. The Treaty of Good-Neighborliness and Friendly Cooperation Between the People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation lacks a mutual defense clause, but does provide for consultations about common threats. The naval exercises, which rehearse non-traditional along with traditional missions (e.g., counter-piracy and humanitarian relief as well as with high-end warfighting), provide a means to enhance their response to such mutual challenges through coordinated military activities. Though the exercises may not realize substantial interoperability gains regarding combat capabilities, the drills do highlight to foreign audiences the Sino-Russian capacity to project coordinated naval power globally. This messaging is important given the reliance of China and Russia on the world's oceans for trade and the two countries' maritime territorial disputes with other countries. The exercises can also improve their national military capabilities as well as help them learn more about the tactics, techniques, and procedures of each other. The rising Chinese Navy especially benefits from working with the Russian armed forces, which have more experience conducting maritime missions, particularly in combat operations involving multiple combat arms, than the People's Liberation Army (PLA). On the negative side, these exercises, by enhancing their combat capabilities, may make Chinese and Russian policymakers more willing to employ military force or run escalatory risks in confrontations with other states. All these impacts are amplified in Northeast Asia, where the Chinese and Russian navies conduct most of their joint exercises. Northeast Asia has become an area of intensifying maritime confrontations involving China and Russia against the United States and Japan, with South Korea situated uneasily between them. The growing ties between the Chinese and Russian navies have complicated South Korean-U.S. military planning, diverted resources from concentrating against North Korea, and worsened the regional security environment. Naval planners in the United States, South Korea, and Japan will increasingly need to consider scenarios involving both the Chinese and Russian navies. For example, South Korean and U.S. policymakers need to prepare for situations in which coordinated Chinese and Russian military aggression overtaxes the Pentagon, obligating the South Korean Navy to rapidly backfill for any U.S.-allied security gaps that arise on the Korean Peninsula. Potentially reinforcing Chinese and Russian naval support to North Korea in a maritime confrontation with South Korea and its allies would present another serious challenge. Building on the commitment of Japan and South Korea to strengthen security ties, future exercises involving Japan, South Korea, and the United States should expand to consider these potential contingencies.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.41
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• pp.5-38
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• 2020

The current state of performance halls in South Korea is closely related to the performance art and culture of the nation as the culture of putting on and enjoying a performance is deeply rooted in public culture and arts halls representing each area at the local government level. Today, public culture and arts halls have multiple management purposes, and the subjects of their management are in the public domain including the central and local governments or investment and donation foundations in overwhelming cases. Public culture and arts halls thus have close correlations with the institutional aspect of cultural policies as the objects of culture and art policies at the central and local government level. The full-blown era of public culture and arts halls opened up in the 1980s~1990s, during which multi-purpose performance halls of a similar structure became universal around the nation. Public culture and arts halls of the uniform shape were distributed around the nation with no premise of genre characteristics or local environments for arts, and this was attributed to the cultural policies of the military regime. The Park Chung-hee regime proclaimed Yusin that was beyond the Constitution and enacted the Culture and Arts Promotion Act(September, 1972), which was the first culture and arts act in the nation. Based on the act, a five-year plan for the promotion of culture and arts(1973) was made and led to the construction of cultural facilities. "Public culture and arts" halls or "culture" halls were built to serve multiple purposes around the nation because the Culture and Arts Promotion Act, which is called the starting point of the nation's legal system for culture and arts, defined "culture and arts" as "matters regarding literature, art, music, entertainment, and publications." The definition became a ground for the current "multi-purpose" concept. The organization of Ministry of Culture and Public Information set up a culture and administration system to state its supervision of "culture and arts" and distinguish popular culture from the promotion of arts. During the period, former President Park exhibited his perception of "culture=arts=culture and arts" in his speeches. Arts belonged to the category of culture, but it was considered as "culture and arts." There was no department devoted to arts policies when the act was enacted with a broad scope of culture accepted. This ambiguity worked as a mechanism to mobilize arts in ideological utilizations as a policy. Against this backdrop, the Sejong Center for the Performing Arts, a multi-purpose performance hall, was established in 1978 based on the Culture and Arts Promotion Act under the supervision of Ministry of Culture and Public Information. There were, however, conflicts of value over the issue of accepting the popular music among the "culture and arts = multiple purposes" of the system, "culture ≠ arts" of the cultural organization that pushed forward its establishment, and "culture and arts = arts" perceived by the powerful class. The new military regime seized power after Coup d'état of December 12, 1979 and failed at its culture policy of bringing the resistance force within the system. It tried to differentiate itself from the Park regime by converting the perception into "expansion of opportunities for the people to enjoy culture" to gain people's supports both from the side of resistance and that of support. For the Chun Doo-hwan regime, differentiating itself from the previous regime was to secure legitimacy. Expansion of opportunities to enjoy culture was pushed forward at the level of national distribution. This approach thus failed to settle down as a long-term policy of arts development, and the military regime tried to secure its legitimacy through the symbolism of hardware. During the period, the institutional ground for public culture and arts halls was based on the definition of "culture and arts" in the Culture and Arts Promotion Act enacted under the Yusin system of the Park regime. The "multi-purpose" concept, which was the management goal of public performance halls, was born based on this. In this context of the times, proscenium performance halls of a similar structure and public culture and arts halls with a similar management goal were established around the nation, leading to today's performance art and culture in the nation.

• Journal of Aquaculture
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.53-90
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• 1989

Feeding proper level of ration matchable with the appetite of fish will enhance production and also prevent waste of food and its consequence, side effects such as pollution of culture medium. To pursue this goal, elaborate studies on dissolved oxygen concentrations- as the major force in inducing appetite and the growth outcome are necessary. The growth of common carp of 67, 200, 400, 600, and 800 gram size groups was studied at oxygen concentrations ranging from 2.0 to 6 mg/$\iota$ in relation to rations from 1 to as many percent of the initial body weight as could be consumed under constant temperature of $25^{\circ}C$. The results from the experiments are summarized as followings; 1. Appetite: The smaller fish exhibited higher degree of appetite than the bigger ones at the same oxygen concentrations. The bigger the fish the less tolerant it was to the lower oxygen thersholds, and the degree of tolerence decreased as ration level increased. 2. Growth : Growth rate (percent per day) increased - unless consumption was suppressed by low oxygen levels- as the ration was increased to maximum. In case of 67 g fish, it reached the highest point of $5.05\%$ / day at $7\%$ ration under 5.0 mg/$\iota$ of oxygen. In case of 200 g fish, the maximum growth rate of $3.75\%$/day appeared at the maximum ration of $6\%$ under 5.5 mg/$\iota$ of oxygen. In 400 g fish, the highest growth of $3.37\%$/day occurred at the maximum ration of $5\%$ and 6.0 mg/$\iota$ of oxygen. In 600 g fish, the highest growth rate of $2.82\%$ /day was at the maximum ration of $4\%$ under 5.5 mg/$\iota$ oxygen. In case of 800g fish, the highest growth rate of $1.95\%$/day was at maximum tested ration of $3\%$ under 5.0 mg/$\iota$ oxygen. 3. Food Conversion Efficiency: Food conversion efficiency ($\%$ dry feed converted into the fish tissue) first increased as the ration was increased, reached maximum at certain food level, then started decreasing with further increase in the ration. The maximum conversion efficiency stood at higher feeding rate for the smaller fish than the larger ones. In case of 67 g fish, the maximum food conversion efficiency was at $4\%$ ration within 3.0-4.0 mg/$\iota$ oxygen. In 200g fish, the maximum efficiency was at $3\%$ ration within 4.0-4.5 mg/$\iota$ oxygen. In 400g fish, the maximum efficiency was at $2\%$ ration within 4.0 - 4.5 mg/$\iota$ oxygen. In 600 and 800g fish, the maximum conversion efficiency shifted to the lowest ration ($1\%$) and lower oxygen ranges. 4. Behaviour: The fish within uncomfortably low oxygen levels exhibited suppressed appetite and movements and were observed to pass feces quicker and in larger quantity than the ones in normal condition; in untolerably low oxygen the fish were lethargic, vomited, and had their normal skin color changed into pale yellow or grey patches. All these processes contributed to reducing food conversion efficiency. On the other hand, the fish within relatively higher oxygen concentrations exhibited higher degree of movement and their food conversion tended to be depressed when compared with sister groups under corresponding size and ration within relatively low oxyen level. 5. Suitability of Oxygen Ranges to Rations: The oxygen level of 2.0- 2.5 mg/$\iota$ was adequate to sustain appetite at $1\%$ ration in all size groups. As the ration was increased higher oxygen was required to sustain the fish appetite and metabolic activity, particularly in larger fish. In 67g fish, the $2\%$ ration was well supported by 2.0-2.5 mg/$\iota$ range; as the ration increased to $5\%$, higher range of 3.0-4.0 mg/$\iota$ brought better appetite and growth; from 5 till $7\%$ (the last tested ration for 67 g fish) oxygen levels over 4.0 mg/$\iota$ could sustain appetite. In 200 g fish, the 2 and $3\%$ rations brought the best growth and conversion rates at 3.5-4.5 mg/$\iota$ oxygen level; from 3 till $6\%$ (the last tested ration at 200 g fish) oxyge groups over 4.5 mg/$\iota$ were matchable with animal's appetite. In 400, 600, and 800 g fish, all the rations above $2\%$ had to be generally supported with oxygen levels above 4.5 mg/$\iota$.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.4
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• pp.67-80
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• 2022

SipWooDo (十牛圖: Painting of Ten Bulls), a Buddhist painting, is a kind of Zen Sect Buddhism painting, which is shown as a mural in many of main halls of Korean Buddhist temples. MokWooDo has been painted since Song Dynasty of China. It paints a cow, a metaphor of mind and a shepherd boy who controls the cow. It comes also with many other types of works such as poetry called GyeSong, HwaWoonSi and etc. That is, it appeared as a pan-cultural phenomenon beyond ideology and nation not limited to Chinese Buddhist ideology of an era. This study, therefore, selects MokWooDo chants that represent Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism to compare the writing purposes, mind discipline methods and ultimate goals of such chant literatures in order to integrate and comprehend the ideologies of such three schools in the ideologically cultural aspect, which was not fully dealt with in the existing studies. In particular, the study results are: First, the SipWooDo of Buddhist School is classified generally into Bo Myoung's MokWooDo and Kwak Ahm's SimWooDo (尋牛圖: Painting of Searching out a Bull). Zen Sect Buddhism goes toward nirvana through enlightenment. Both MokWooDo and SimWooDo of Buddhist School are the discipline method of JeomSu (漸修: Discipline by Steps). They were made for SuSimJeungDo (修心證道: Enlightenment of Truth by Mind Discipline), which appears different in HwaJe (畫題: Titles on Painting) and GyeSong (偈頌: Poetry Type of Buddhist Chant) between Zen Sect Buddhism and Doctrine Study Based Buddhism, which are different from each other in viewpoints. Second, Bo Myoung's MokWooDo introduces the discipline processes from MiMok (未牧: Before Tamed) to JinGongMyoYu (眞空妙有: True Vacancy is not Separately Existing) of SsangMin (雙泯: the Level where Only Core Image Appears with Every Other Thing Faded out) that lie on the method called BangHalGiYong (棒喝機用: a Way of Using Rod to Scold). On the other side, however, it puts its ultimate goal onto the way to overcome even such core image of SsangMin. Third, Kwak Ahm's SimWooDo shows the discipline processes of JeomSu from SimWoo (尋牛: Searching out a Bull) to IpJeonSuSu (入鄽垂手: Entering into a Place to Exhibit Tools). That is, it puts its ultimate goal onto HwaGwangDongJin (和光同塵: Harmonized with Others not Showing your own Wisdom) where you are going together with ordinary people by going up to the level of 'SangGuBori (上求菩提: Discipline to Go Up to Gain Truth) and HaHwaJungSaeng (下化衆生: Discipline to Go Down to Be with Ordinary People)' through SaGyoIpSeon (捨敎入禪: Entering into Zen Sect Buddhism after Completing a Certain Volume of Doctrine Study), which are working for leading the ordinary people of all to finding out their Buddhist Nature. Fourth, Shimiz Shunryu (清水春流)'s painting YuGaSipMaDo (儒家十馬圖: Painting of Ten Horses of Confucian School) borrowed Bo Myoung's MokWooDo. That is, it borrowed the terms and pictures of Buddhist School. However, it features 'WonBulIpYu (援佛入儒: Enlightenment of Buddhist Nature by Confucianism)', which is based on the process of becoming a greatly wise person through Confucian study to go back to the original good nature. From here, it puts its goal onto becoming a greatly wise person, GunJa who is completely harmonized with truth, through the study of HamYang (涵養: Mind Discipline by Widening Learning and Intelligence) that controls outside mind to make the mind peaceful. Its ultimate goal is in accord with "SangCheonJiJae, MuSeongMuChee (上天之載, 無聲無臭: Heaven Exists in the Sky Upward; It is Difficult to Get the Truth of Nature, which has neither sound nor smell)' words from Zhōngyōng. Fifth, WonMyeongNhoYin (圓明老人)'s painting SangSeungSuJinSamYo (上乘修真三要: Painting of Three Essential Things to Discipline toward Truth) borrowed Bo Myoung's MokWooDo while it consists of totally 13 sheets of picture to preach the painter's will and preference. That is, it features 'WonBulIpDo (援佛入道: Following Buddha to Enter into Truth)' to preach the painter's doctrine of Taoism by borrowing the pictures and poetry type chants of Buddhist School. Taoism aims to become a miraculously powerful Taoist hermit who never dies by Taoist healthcare methods. Therefore, Taoists take the mind discipline called BanHwanSimSeong (返還心性: Returning Back to Original Mind Nature), which makes Taoists go ultimately toward JaGeumSeon (紫金仙) that is the original origin by changing into a saint body that is newly conceived with the vital force of TaeGeuk abandoning the existing mind and body fully. This is a unique feature of Taoism, which puts its ultimate goal onto the way of BeopShinCheongJeong (法身淸淨: Pure and Clean Nature of Buddha) that is in accord with JiDoHoiHong (至道恢弘: Getting to Wide and Big Truth).