• Korean Journal of Community Nutrition
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• v.21 no.5
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• pp.415-425
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• 2016

Objectives: The purpose of the study was to develop a textbook of the integrated education of Korean food culture and language for married female immigrants. Methods: An analysis was conducted with the textbooks and researches for married female immigrants, and dietary life related contents were extracted. The contents were organized by activity oriented approach which is acquired the culture. The evaluation was conducted through depth interview with 6 married female immigrants through an analysis of the qualitative materials. Results: The text book comprised of 30 Korean food recipes with the target expressions and vocabularies. It also included Korean basic table setting, Korean table manner, main dishes and side dishes, basic cutting, seasoning and garnish, measure of the ingredients, symbolic food, regional food culture, choice of food ingredients, shopping, bargaining, taste expression, color expression, all sorts of spices, Korean traditional festival food, and seasonal customs and food. For intensifying communication, activity which is close to real life was added. Through cooking, married female immigrants expose words and sentence patterns and that allows to evaluate their level of understanding. We observed that the developed textbook is suited for married female immigrants' needs and cognitive level. The text book included a comparative study between Korean culture and their country's culture, which could provide the motive for accepting each other's cultures. The study showed how to develop a textbook that integrates Korean language education and Korean food culture and how to apply the textbook in real life. Conclusions: The correct understanding about Korean food culture could lead to improvements communication ability. Useful information which relates to Korean food, recipes, and food culture could increase daily life satisfaction. Conducting both cultural education and language education could increase the participation of married female immigrants in learning activities. Therefore this study could help these females to adapt Korean society and manage family dietary life effectively.

• Publications of The Korean Astronomical Society
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.1-16
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• 2014

Sambok (三伏, Three Hottest Days) is the common designation of Chobok (初伏, Early Hot Day), Jungbok (中伏, Middle Hot Day), and Malbok (末伏, Late Hot Day), and widely known to be one of the Korean folk customs. Hence, Sambok is notated in Manseryeok (Ten Thousand-Year Almanac) and in the annual astronomical almanac published by Korea Astronomy and Space Science Institute. In this paper, we investigate the changes of Sambok in Korea based on various documents such as Joseonwangjosilok (朝鮮王朝實錄, Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), Jeungbo-Jakryeoksik (增補作曆式, The Supplement of Manual for Calendar Making), astronomical almanacs, and so forth. According to Jeungbo-Jakryeoksik preserved in Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies, Chobok and Jungbok are defined as the third and fourth Gyeongil (庚日, The Day Starting with the Seventh Heavenly Stems in Sexagenary Cycles Assigned to Each Day) after the summer solstice, respectively, and Malbok is the first Gyeongil after Ipchu (Enthronement of Autumn). However, if the summer solstice is Gyeongil, then the third Gyeongil counting from the solstice becomes Chobok. Malbok depends on the time of Ipchu. Ipchu itself becomes Malbok if the time of Ipchu is in the morning, or next Gyeongil becomes Malbok if it is the afternoon. On the other hand, Malbok is defined as Ipchu itself regardless of its time according to Chiljeongbobeob (七政步法, Calculating Method for Sun, Moon, and Five Planets), Chubocheobryeo (推步捷例, Quick Examples for Calendrical Calculations), and so on. To verify the methods used to determine Sambok, we examined the record in the extant almanacs during the period of 1392 to 2100 for which the summer solstice or Ipchu is Gyeongil. As a result, we found a periodicity that if the time of Ipchu is in the morning, in general, the time is in the afternoon after two years and then is back into in the morning after nineteen years, i.e., the 2 + 19 years periodicity. However, we found the 2 + 17 years periodicity in some years. We also found that the Chobok method of Jeungbo-Jakryeoksik has been used since 1712, the thirty-eighth reign of King Sukjong (肅宗). In addition, we supposed that Malbok had been determined by the method like Chubocheobryeo since either 1846, the twelfth reign of King Heonjong (憲宗), or 1867, the fourth reign of King Gojong (高宗). At present, these methods of Sambok are customarily used without any legal basis. We, therefore, think that this study will help conventionalize the method defining Sambok in the future.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.2
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• pp.35-44
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• 2016

This study targets flower-viewing sites appearing in "Kyungdojapji" and talks about the seasonal customs and tourist attractions of the later Chosun; Pilundae, Bukdun, Outside of Dongdaemun, Cheonyunjeong and near Seodaemun etc. Through related poetry, paintings and maps, it looks into what scenic elements each attraction was made of and how the elements were felt by visitors. It sub-divided and analyzed scenic features into objective objects, subjective emotions and experienced behaviors. As a result, representative objective objects were flowers and there were also scenes where people enjoyed poem-writing meetings along with drinking-related physical elements such as liquor, liquor glasses, liquor bottles etc. Through drawing out scenes, where users gave meaning to objective objects, it tried to interpret what space meant to them, through which the meaning of flower-viewing attractions is first and foremost a space to enjoy artistic taste. Each space is used as the center of cultural creation such as literary people gathering, viewing flowers, drinking and having poetry-writing meetings. Second, as shown in scenes viewers depicted in each space, visitors were confirmed to enjoy scenes through multi-sensory appreciation. By this, flower-viewing attractions were confirmed to be not just flower-viewing but also venues of sensory experience. This study, which drew out the scenic features of traditional flower-viewing attractions, is expected to be basic material in tracing the flower-viewing enjoyed by our ancestors as a pastime and its spatial meaning and in planning Korea-unique flower-viewing attractions.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.40
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• pp.307-341
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• 2020

In the past, each villages of ULSAN had their own SUNGHWANGDANGs. Village folks held an annual ritual for a ghost called GOLMAEGI. That ritual, which was a form of festival supervised by the village community, was the opening of seasonal customs. People called the ritual JISINBOPKI. It was a type of NONGAK in which musicals and dramatic factors made a harmony. Usually its lyrics were called 'SUNGJUPURI'or 'JISINBOPKI' song. At that moment, villagers, thumping on the ground with their feet, danced 'DUTBEKI' to awake the sleeping ghost SUNGJUJISIN. After this ritual, the music band started to visit people's house after house around the town playing PUNGMUL NOLI which consisted of SOGO NORUM, JAPSACK NORUM. The whole proceeding of these performances did not have a definite name. Villagers prayed to SUNGJUJISIN for the prevention of bad luck in their home. This study have arranged the type of MAEGUCHIGI, which is a kind of wishing NONGAK, on the basis of two preceding primary documents. And the other is about JISINBOPKI of ULSAN district that was shown in ULSAN YUSA written by a local historian, KIM SUKBO, of ULSAN. The process of arrangement is as follows. At first, considering the implication of this NONGAK, the definite title of it was designated as ULSAN MAEGUCHIGI. And then, it was given its genre and type within NONGAK.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.72
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• pp.299-327
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• 2018

The objective of this study is to examine the regional distribution of Ssireum(Traditional Wrestling) of South and North Korea in the Japanese colonial era. The conclusions of this study are as follows. First, the "Joseon ui hyangto orak(Folk play in Joseon)" showed the record of performing 272 times of Ssireum in 226 regions of the whole nation. Second, the Ssireum of South Korea could be divided into five regions. Seoul/Gyeonggi-do performed Ssireum the most in Dano, Baekjung, and Chuseok while Chungcheong-do performed Ssireum in Baekjung and Chuseok. Jeolla-do and Gyeongsang-do performed Ssireum in Chuseok while Gangwon-do performed Ssireum in Dano and Chuseok. Third, the Ssireum of North Korea could be divided into three regions. All the Hwanghae-do, Pyeongan-do, and Hamgyeong-do performed Ssireum the most in Dano. Fourth, as the period when Ssireum was held the most in the whole nation, Dano, Baekjung, and Chuseok could be pointed out. Ssireum has the characteristics of large-scale play between village communities or regions, instead of individual game. Thus, the Ssireum that was played as a sport event under certain rules for a long time was settled down as a folk play of regional festivals such as Dano, Baekjung, and Chuseok. Fifth, as a folk play and a representative play of seasonal customs, Ssireum was distributed in the whole nation and handed down till today under the regional deviation of South and North Korea. Sixth, the unidentified regions of South Korea that did not perform Ssireum were six places including five dos such as Gapyeong Gyeonggi-do, Boseong Jeollanam-do, Jeju-do, Gunwi and Cheongsong Gyeongsanbuk-do, and Inje Gangwon-do. The regions of North Korea were six places including three dos such as Pyeongyang, Yangdeok, Gangdong, and Gaecheon of Pyeongannam-do, Bakcheon Pyeonganbuk-do, and Dancheon Hamgyeongnam-do. Total 12 places in eight regions were included. Seventh, the number of total items of play names presented in the "Joseon ui hyangto orak(Folk play in Joseon)" was about 6,400 types. Out of them, about 1,300 types were the items including how to play while about 5,100 types were the items presenting the play names only without explanations. Especially, in case of Ssireum, the periods of the lunar calendar were only specified in each region. Unfortunately, it was not possible to check the contents about the actual performance methods and types of Ssireum as they were omitted.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.349-371
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• 2017

"Hajaeilgi(荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon(司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life events he did see or hear about. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about folklore. Ji Gyu-sik wrote in his "Hajaeilgi" about things related to folklore, for example, seasonal customs, folk plays, rituals, or folk beliefs that were actually practiced then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material, and it is meaningful in the aspects of folklore as well. Therefore, as part of the work to look into folklore found in "Hajaeilgi", this author focuses on national rituals and folk beliefs in it. The things that have been discussed earlier can be summed up as follows: About national rituals, it is sorry that it only deals with the emperor's enthronement and emperor and crown prince's birthday in garye(嘉禮); however, it is meaningful to know that the people faithfully carried out national ceremonies and celebrations then. Particularly, it is noteworthy that during the national ceremonies or celebrations, students were asked to sing the national anthem. About hyungrye(凶禮), only it deals with the court funeral rite. Aside from Minbi's funeral rite, the court funeral rite was performed properly at the right time according to the procedure like before, and also, it seems that the people fulfilled it faithfully by order of the government. Also, it can be learned from it that Japanese killed Minbi, burned the body with oil, and left the ashes behind. About folk beliefs, the branch held a memorial service at the shrine of the town regularly. The town, too, performed Gocheongsinsa each year. The money needed for the memorial service was collected from the town people differently according to their financial situations, and they prepared for jesu for the ancestral rite altogether. The memorial service was carried out in Sansindang or Bugeundang, too, and it was common that they summoned a shaman to perform a gut. The diary is valuable as material. After being a Christian, Ji Gyu-sik once tried to abolish sinsa jesa held in hoesa and get rid of saesin(賽神), that is, a gut or pudakgeori, but he had no choice but to follow the precedent. Meanwhile, it is also noteworthy that when the town suffered from floor and infectious disease, Ji Gyu-sik installed an altar in front of his house for the town's wellbeing and health, prepared for jesu including offerings and drinks, and held a memorial service to Hwangcheonhuto(皇天后土; the gods of heaven and earth) accompanied with the town people. Also, when he had any hardships in his family, Ji Gyu-sik summoned a shaman for a gut or offered a devout prayer to the mountainous god. Such shamanism or the things like worshiping Gwanseongjegun(關聖帝君) mostly in the beginning of January and telling fortunes about the year were all folk beliefs. This was very popular among the people, and it seems that it was deeply rooted in his life as well. Also, Ji Gyu-sik supported Fengshui beliefs, and it seems that it is not different from the people's general tendencies, either. As described above, "Hajaeilgi" dealing with national rituals and folk beliefs in it is valuable as material and is meaningful for research on forklore, and moreover, it is also significant in the aspects of forklore as well.