• Speech Sciences
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.93-105
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• 2000

The English schwa sound has special characteristics which are distinct from other vowels. It is non-phonemic and occurs only in an unstressed syllable. Compared with the English schwa, the Korean /e/ is a full vowel which has phonemic contrast. This paper had three aims. One was to see whether there is any relationship between English full vowels and their reduced vowel schwas. Second was to see whether there is any possible target in the English schwa sounds which are derived from different full vowels. The third was to compare the English non-phoneme vowel schwa and the Korean full vowel /e/ in terms of articulatory positions and duration. The study results showed that there is no relationship between each of the full vowels and its schwa. The schwa tended to converge into a possible target which was F1 456 and F2 1560. The Korean vowel /e/ seemed to have its distinct position speaker-individual which is different from the neutral tongue position. The evidence that the Korean /e/ is a back vowel was supported by the Seoul dialect speaker. In duration, the English schwa was much shorter than the full vowels, but there was no significant difference in length between the Korean /e/ and other Korean vowels.

• Speech Sciences
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.167-180
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• 2005

The present study examines the phonetic realizations of the unstressed weak vowel /e/ in English words produced by native and Korean ESL speakers. Traditionally, the stressed elements in utterance are considered to be prominent. In this sense, the unstressed weak vowel /e/ is predicted to be shorter in length, lower in pitch and intensity than the stressed vowels. The experiment shows that native English speakers correlate the unstressed weak vowel /e/ with both shorter duration and lower pitch; Korean ESL speakers correlate it with lower pitch only. We cannot find any significant statistical difference in intensity between /e/ and the stressed vowels in both cases. This study suggests it is important to acquire and produce the correct prosodic correlates of the unstressed weak vowel /e/ for Korean ESL speakers to command more natural English intonation, since /e/ is the most common vowel in English speech and consists of the English foot rhythm along with stressed vowels.

• MALSORI
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• no.31_32
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• pp.173-193
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• 1996

불어의 "묵음 e(e muet)"에 대한 정의를 내리기는 매우 까다롭다. 불어에서 "e"가 "묵음 e(e muet)"로 불리우는 이유는 "e"가 흔히 탈락되기 때문이다. 현재 "e muet"는 다음 발화체에서 볼 수 있듯이 열린음절에서만 나타난다. "Je/le/re/de/man/de/ce/re/por/ta/ge/." [omitted](나는 그 리포트를 다시 요구한다. : 이 경우 실제 발화시 schwa 삭제 규칙이 적용된다.) 둘째, 접두사에 나타나는 "e muet"는 s의 중자음 앞에서 s가 유성음, [z]로 발음되는 것을 막기 위해 쓰인다. "ressembler[omitted](닮다); ressentir[omitted](느끼다)" 같은 경우, 셋째, 몇몇 낱말의 경우 고어의 철자가 약화되어 "e muet"로 발음이 되고 있다. "monsieur[$m{\partial}sj{\emptyset}$](미스터), faisan[$f{\partial}z{\tilde{a}}$](꿩), faisait[$f{\partial}z{\varepsilon}$]("하다"동사의 3인칭 단수 반과거형)"등. 또 과거 문법학자들은 이를 "여성형의 E"로 불렀는데, 이는 형태론적으로 낱말의 여성형을 남성형과 구분짓기 위해 사용되고 있기 때문이기도 하다. 예를 들어, "$aim{\acute{e}}-aim{\acute{e}}e$"(발음은 둘 다 [${\varepsilon}me$]로 동일하다 : 사랑받다)의 경우. 현대불어의 구어체어서 "e muet"는 어말자음을 발음하기 위해 쓰이고 있다. 예를 들어, "pote[pot](단짝)-pot[po](항아리)". 이러한 "e muet"는 발음상으로 지역적, 개인적 및 문맥적 상황에 따라 그 음색 자체가 매우 불안정하며 여러 가지 음가(열린 ${\ae}$ 또는 닫힌 ${\O}$)로 나타난다. 예를 들어 "seul[$s{\ae}l$](홀로), ceux[$s{\O}$](이것들)"에서와 같이 발음되며, 또한 원칙적으로 schwa, [${\partial}$]로 발음이 되는 "Je[$\Im\partial$]"와 "le[$l{\partial}$]"의 경우, Paris 지역에서는 "Je sais[${\Im}{\ae}{\;}s{\Im}$](나는 안다); Prends-le[$pr{\tilde{a}}{\;}l{\ae}$](그것을 집어라)"로 발음을 하는 한편, 프랑스 북부 지방세서는 동일한 발화체를 [${\ae}$]대신에 [${\o}$]로 발음한다. 실제로 언어학적 측면에서 고려되는 "e muet"는 schwa로 나타나는 "Je[$\Im\partial$]"와 "le[$l{\partial}$]"의 경우인데, 불어 음운론에서는 schwa에 의해 대립되는 낱말짝이 없기 때문에 schwa를 음소로 인정할 것인가에 대해 논란이 있다. 그러나 불어에서 schwark 음운론적 역할을 한다는 사실은 다음과 같은 예에서 찾아 볼 수 있다. 첫째, 발음상으로 동사의 변화형에서 "porte[$p{\jmath}rte$](들다: 현재형), porte[$p{\jmath}rte$](과거분사형), porta[$p{\jmath}rte$](단순과거형)"등이 대립되며, 이휘 "Porto[$p{\jmath}rte$](포르토)"와도 대립된다. 둘째, 어휘적 대립 "le haut[$l{\partial}o$](위)/l'eau[lo](물)"와 형태론적 대립 "le[$l{\partial}$](정관사, 남성단수)/les[le](정관사, 복수)"등에서 "묵음 e"는 분명히 음운론적 역할을 하고 있다. 본 논문에서는 이와 같이 음색이 복잡하게 나타나는 "e muet"의 문제를 리듬단위, 문맥적 분포 및 음절모형 측면, 즉 음성학 및 음운론적 측면에서 다양하게 분석하여 그 본질을 규명해 보고 "e muet"탈락현상을 TCG(Theorie de Charme et de Gouvernement) 측면에서 새롭게 해석해 보았다.

• Speech Sciences
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.171-186
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• 2000

The aim of this paper is to investigate the acoustic characteristics of the French vowel [e] and Korean [i] and to seek a way of understanding them from a phonological point of view. These two vowels have similar distributional properties, i.e. they alternate with zero in some contexts. Therefore, in both languages, they are not found when immediately followed by a nucleus with phonetic content and in word-final positions. We firstly compare the two vowels by measuring the actual frequencies of the formants, pitch and energy using CSL. We also consider whether the realisation of the two vowels is affected by the speed of speech sounds. In order to show that realisation of the two vowels in both languages is not arbitrary, rather predicted, we will introduce the notion of proper government, proposed and developed by Kaye (1987, 1990) and Charette (1991).

• Koreanishche Zeitschrift fur Deutsche Sprachwissenschaft
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• v.6
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• pp.185-219
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• 2002

Die vorliegende Arbeit soll einen Beitrag zu $Verst\"{a}ndnis$ des Konjunktivs(=Konj.) leisten. Insbesondere geht es um die Verwendung des Konj. in der indirekten Rede. Die Belegmaterialien zum Konjunktivgebrauch wurden politischen und wissenschaftlichen Zeitungsartikeln entnommen, im Wesentlichen der 'Welt' und der 'FAZ'. Obwohl in der deutschen Gegenwartssprache offenbar ein Wandel im Modusgebrauch im Allgemeinen var sich geht, lasst sich sagen, dass in den Pressemeldungen der Kanj. I $durchg\"{a}ngig$ verwendet wird. Die Mouswahl $f\"{u}r$ den Konj. I ist nicht nur ein Kennzeichen $f\"{u}r$ mittelbare Redewiedergabe, sandern sie kann in bestimmten $F\"{a}llen$ ein Sprechereinstellung $ausdr\"{u}cken$, da der Konj. I in den $dass-Kamplements\"{a}tzen$ allgemeiner an $Nichtfaktivit\"{a}t$ gebunden ist $F\"{u}r$ die sog. 'berichtete Rede' ist der Konj. I als Zitierzeichen obligatorisch. Bei der morphologischen Betrachtung wurden die Charakteristika der morphologischen Formbildung im Konj. beschrieben. Im Kanj. werden alle Farmen mit 'e' gebildet. Es wird angenommen, dass der Schwa-Laut des Kanj. in der Regel varhanden sei, es aber nicht ein Marphem sei. Die Ersetzung des Kanj. I durch den Kanj. II in der indirekten Rede hat ihren Grund in der mangelnden $Distinktivit\"{a}t$ zum Indikativ $Pr\"{a}sens$. Im Kanj. II wird der Umlaut als Konjunktivmarker der starken Verben angesehen. Im Unterschied zu den starken Verben fallen Indikativ und Kanj. im $Pr\"{a}teritum$ der schwachen Verben, die keinen Vokalwechsel haben, formal zusammen. In diesem Fall wird der Kanj. durch die wiirde-Konstruktian ersetzt. Im Rahmen der syntaktischen Betrachtung wurden die Konkurrenzformen vorgestellt. Die indirekte Rede kann durch vielerlei grammatische Mittel angezeigt werden. In diesen $F\"{a}llen$ wird statt des Hauptsatzes eine grammatisch-lexikalische Paraphrase (mit Hilfe von $Pr\"{a}positionalgruppen$ mit nach, zufolge oder laut beispielsweise, und wie- $S\"{a}tzen,\; dar\"{u}ber$ hinaus Modalverben sollen und wollen) verwendet. Schliesslich wurde darauf hingewiesen, dass die $w\"{u}rde-Paraphrase$ zwar eine Umschreibung des Konj. sein kann, dass einer solchen $F\"{u}gung$ aber der $Temporalit\"{a}tscharakter$ nicht abgesprochen wird, insofern die $Temporalit\"{a}t\;mit\;der\;Modalit\"{a}t$ zu tun h