• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
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• v.3
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• pp.37-49
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• 2003

In the oral literature of the Mongolians such as folk-tales, legend, epics, poetry, songs, riddles etc., there are endless examples describing various stories about the origin of the costumes, ornaments and accessories, or the way how they were designed and changed with the times and how they correspond with relevant customs, public rituals and etiquette in general. In this paper we argue that every piece of the Mongolian national costumes and wear in general has specific meaning and symbolism, which is still the miraculous universe waiting to be unveiled properly. As for the Mongolians, the costumes and accessories mean the treasury of intellectual culture of their own as well as their daily necessities of life. There are still many undiscovered features of ancient national culture, apart from characteristics of various tribes and clans of the Mongolians.

• Fashion & Textile Research Journal
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• v.18 no.6
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• pp.812-824
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• 2016

Morning grooming is a ritual daily held for transition from private to public life of an individual. Based on the previous literature's definition of the ritual characteristics, this study aims to identify the meaning of grooming rituals that are repeatedly performed every morning. Although many studies have conducted ritualistic analysis of the behaviors that are closely related to daily life, few studies analyze grooming from a ritualistic perspective. Establishing the ritual - that is, a person's distinct behavioral pattern-as the core concept, this study reveals the relationship between ritual performers and the ritual's composition to identify the meaning of the grooming ritual. The study conducts qualitative research with ten participants to identify the ritual characteristics of every-morning grooming and the factors that influence this ritual. Considering everyday grooming as a behavioral pattern that possesses mostly ritualistic elements, the study examines both the external characteristics that are shown through the methods of grooming and the internal characteristics that reflect the inherent symbolic meaning. This study contributes to extending the scope of the field. By understanding the factors that influence grooming rituals, companies can communicate their marketing messages regarding the step-by-step approach to grooming, thereby supporting consumers to effectively use various grooming products.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.33
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• pp.274-289
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• 2000

Koryo Dynasty has greatly effected the meat eating practice in Korea. And by focusing on this period, this paper has in vestigated how this practice influenced and effected our meat eating culture. The 'Orders to Prohibit Butchery' written on Koryo's history books were to encourage stockbreeding rather than to follow the Buddhist policy they followed. By encouraging stockbreeding, they wanted to promote the usage of cattle in farming and thus increasing agriculture industry as a whole. Nonetheless, records show that hunting was permitted to a certain degree. And this allowed the civilians to depend their meat supply from hunting and for the fire field farmers to capture wild animals that harmed their crops. Moreover, through 'Kiwujae' (Kiwujae - a shamans service to pray for rain / ritual (praying) for rain.), we could see that earlier part of Karyo's rituals and ceremonies followed the Buddhist tradition while the latter followed the Shamanism tradition. Perhaps this was the result of allowing 'meat' for the service offerings. As Shamanism could be considered as a religion that allowed 'meat', prevalence of Shamanism was promoting meat-eating at mess(after these rituals and ceremonies that offered food (meat inclusive) to their guardian or god, the civilians would dine together.). In relation, this public eating practice slowed down the progress for storage technique. Therefore, meat-eating was developed through public and mass dining rather than through the form of family or private. On this account, we can safely regard meat-eating practice as a 'public event'. On the other hand, the history of castration is not so long in Korea. And the purpose of such practice was to use the stock for farming rather than to yield high quality meat. It is known that Mongol in Koryo period has greatly influenced meat cooking in Korea. And the exemplary dish is the 'tang' (tang - kind of soup. However less creamy, clearer broth and with more ingredients than soup.). However, the tang we ate in everyday life had the same cooking method as the tang we offered for services. Moreover, since we did not use castrated animals for our offering as the Mongolians, we must not have been greatly influenced by them. But if so, perhaps the influences would have been limited to the nobility.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.25-42
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• 2008

The Gyeongbok Palace was completed during the reign of King Taejo and King Sejong in the early Joseon Dynasty. The most remarkable spacious feature of the palace is that it has an inner palace wall without an outer palace wall. The absence of the outer palace wall had its origin in the palace of the late Goryeo Dynasty which did not provide the outer palace wall. Gwanghwamoon was the main gate of the palace, and the office buildings of the Six Ministries were arranged on the right side in front of the main gate. A wide road called Six Ministries Avenue was made between the builidings. The avenue was completed during the reign of the third king of Joseon, Taejong, and it was assumed that this arrangement was influenced by the government office arrangements of Nanjing, the early capital city of the Ming Dynasty. Gwanghwamoon held national rituals as well as the civic and military state examinations nations in front of the gate. The avenue was decorated with flowers and silks when kings and the royal families, or Chinese envoys enter the gate, and the civilians watched the parade, Because there was no outer palace wall, all the events held at Gwanghwamoon and the Six Ministries Avenue ware opened to the public, it was the unique feature of Gyeongbok Palace that the palaces of Goryeo dynasty and China did not have.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.22
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• pp.177-201
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• 2011

The Lord of Mayan society was a person who was thought to be able to understand phenomena in the universe. And also the Lord could realize these activities of heaven on Earth through ritual. But the manifested ritual function of lordship was very different depends on Classic and Postclassic period. The Classic Mayan rituals were closely related to personal dignity, specially royal blood tradition meanwhile the Postclassic Mayans focused on public function of ritual. The ritual sacrifices of blood letting from their own body, manifested in Yaxchilan Lintel 24, 25 and 17, were focused on royal family's activity, showing the dignity of royal blood. The same ritual about the birth of family successor was observed at the Structure 5C4 from Postclassic ruin of Chichen Itza. However, this scene in focus, was two representative men and the answer of ancestor, not a special person. Also at the Lintel 1 of Temple of Four Lintels it was observed names of four Lords of Chichen Itza, their relationship, their action of firing to dedicate temple instead of writing long history of great royal family. All above shows that during Postclassic period the lords preferred a public function of their lordship than to dignify some royal persons through ritual.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.5-25
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• 2008

Seoul's community beliefs originated from the ritual performed by the shrines affiliated to each government office in the Joseon Dynasty. Lower branches of government officials were assigned to perform these rituals. Generally, these shrines were called Bugundang(府君堂). Records show that Bugundang(府君堂) was generally one to three units and enshrined the portrait of Bugun(府君), the worshipped, inside. According to historical records, the worshipped were mostly General Choi Young(崔瑩將軍) or Madame Song(宋氏夫人). In fact, however, each Bugundang(府君堂) worshipped different persons. Some of the worshipped were historical characters from the Goryeo Dynasty or the founding period of Joseon Dynasty, Guan Yu(關羽) and Zhuge Liang(諸葛孔明) that became gods after the Japanese Invasion of 1952, Wanggun(王建), Dangun(檀君), General Nam Yi(南怡將軍), Kim Yoo Shin(金庾信), Lim Gyeong Up (林慶業), King Gongmin(恭愍王), King Taejo(Lee Sung Gye, 太祖 李成桂), Joban(趙?) who is one of the supporters of the foundation of Joseon Dynasty, Sir Hong(洪氏大監) and his women who appear in the legend of Nanhansanseong(南漢山城) area, and many other historical figures. It is difficult to compare the rituals of these shrines from community Gut(Shaman ritual) performances of Seoul. According to historical records, Gut and ceremony coexisted in rituals. As time passed, these rituals spread as the community Beliefs of commoners and have been transmitted in the context of Seoul's cultural change. This study examined the existence of affiliated shrines of local government offices in the Joseon Dynasty and discussed the cases of Jangchung-dong Gwanseong Shrine(將忠洞 關聖廟), Bangsan-dong Seongje Shrine(方山洞 聖帝廟), and Seobinggo Bugundang(西氷庫 府君堂) to trace the succession of rituals at these shrines as folk customs of commoners. Bangsan-dong Seongje Shrine(方山洞 聖帝廟) spread to the public as Gwanwoo(關羽), who was considered the god of soldiers, transformed into the god of merchants along with historical transition. It clearly shows the process as to how merchants from a certain region developed a community religion. Jangchung-dong Gwanseong Shrine(將忠洞 關聖廟) is Bugundang(府君堂) of the soldiers of Nampyoug(南營). As the ritual was succeeded by a ritual group called Yeoungsinsa(永信社), composed of nearby residents, it was naturally spread and succeeded by the residents in local community. Seobinggo Bugundang(西氷庫 府君堂) was related to the changes in the historical background of ice gathering in the late Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Rural Architecture
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.47-54
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• 2012

Since ancient times in Korea, in spite of the ranks of high and low, drink was like a all sorts of human emotions. In particular, the drought, or any weapon except when wages found the ball back to God or to buy a drink to celebrate the sixtieth birthday or marriage and feasting like mails, and the priests or the funeral, such as consciousness raising in this procedure. The country had strict rituals in ceremonial events were thereby is living up to deep. The history of the drink in the history of the past, given that the main grain farming culture has already begun since the era of gojoseon was launched remains to be seen. This has been a long history of traditional attention to clean up and organize the showing to the public hall is a nationally scarce in some areas of that era, or the facility is not large. Therefore, in this study, alcohol-related exhibits and Museum recognizes the reality of the future sake Museum architectural plans: the Foundation provides materials for that purpose.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.5
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• pp.129-138
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• 2004

Cherishing the dead is based in sadness. Designing a memorial space therefore has an inherent challenge to evoke the feeling that is so personal and varied by providing a physical space. The tendency of memorials, especially in the US after the mid 20th century, has been to emphasis each dead individual, as seen at the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington, D. C., the Oklahoma City National Memorial in Oklahoma City, and so forth. In the process of designing the memorial of the Taiwanese Chi-chi earth-quake, Cheng Kim Park Robidoux tried to set up a series of spaces through which not only the relatives of the dead but also unrelated visitors could have their own spatial experiences, private rituals and public events, so that they can finally build up a collective memory. Sky-Well consists of a large bamboo forest enclosing a void. Without a particular entrance and guiding system, visitors stroll and get lost in the bamboo forest before they find the central void. The horror they experienced during the earthquake is melted down into the motion and phenomenology of the bamboo forest whereas the central void is reinterpreted as an empty mind, where people find solace from the sky. Details, such as the bamboo wall to place commemorative flowers and lotus blossom paving, are echoing the theme of rebirth.

• Journal of Information Processing Systems
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• v.18 no.4
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• pp.470-479
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• 2022

Mukbang is a type of foodcasting where a host records or streams their eating rituals for audience consumption in live format. With origins in South Korea via the online broadcast genre found on Afreeca TV in the mid-2000s, the phenomenon has since found global popularity. Its development as a full-fledged genre is based on a communication culture that invites people to a meal rather than to talk to one another; viewers watch in silence as a host consumes a copious number of dishes from Korean gastronomy to fast food to other ethnic cuisine on display. An invitation to eat means the beginning of a public relationship that quickly turns to a private shared experience. This study analyzes several Mukbang video postings and makes use of Linden's culture approach model to provide a view toward a number of cross-cultural connections by Koreans and non-Korean audiences. Prior to the study, 10 Korean eating shows were selected and used as standard models. Korean Mukbang mainly consists of eating behavior and ASMR, with very few storytelling or narrative devices utilized by its creators. For this reason, eating shows make a very private connection. In other ways, this paper shows how 28 Mukbang-related YouTube contents selected by Ranker were evolving and examined through notions of acculturation and reception theory.