• 말소리와 음성과학
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.33-39
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• 2010

This study investigates the effect of pitch range reset in Korean listeners' processing of syntactically ambiguous participle structures. Unlike Japanese and English,in Korean, the downtrend or the reset of pitch range does not consistently differentiate Accentual Phrases (AP), a lower level of phrasing, from Intonational Phrases (IP), a higher level of phrasing. Therefore, we explore Korean listeners' comprehension patterns for syntactically ambiguous speech strings varying in 1) the relative height of F0 peaks across prosodic units, and 2) the types of prosodic phrasing, to see whether pitch range reset informs the recovery of syntactic structure even though it is not reflected in the intonational hierarchy in Korean. The results show that the hierarchical level of prosodic phrasing affects the parsing pattern of syntactic ambiguity. The pitch range reset also cued the location of syntactic boundaries, but this effect was confined to phrases across AP.

• 말소리와 음성과학
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• 제2권3호
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• pp.47-63
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• 2010

This study provides a description of the glottal characteristics of the word-initial low vowels /a, $\ae$/ in terms of a set of acoustic parameters and discusses glottal configuration as their acoustic correlates. Furthermore, it examines the effect of prosodic boundary on the glottal properties of the vowels, seeking an account of the possible role of prosodic structure based on prosodic theory. Acoustic parameters reported to indicate glottal characteristics were obtained from the measurements made directly from the speech spectrum on recordings of Korean and English collected from 45 speakers. They consist of two separate groups of native Korean and native English speakers, each including both male and female speakers. Based on the three acoustic parameters of open quotient (OQ), first-formant bandwidth (B1), and spectral tilt (ST), comparisons were made between the speech of males and females, between the speech of native Korean and native English speakers, and between Korean and English produced by native Korean speakers. Acoustic analysis of the experimental data indicates that some or all glottal parameters play a crucial role in differentiating the speech groups, despite substantial interspeaker variations. Statistical analysis of the Korean data indicates prosodic strengthening with respect to the acoustic parameters B1 and OQ, suggesting acoustic enhancement in terms of the degree of glottal abduction and the glottal closure during a vibratory cycle.

• 대한음성학회지:말소리
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• 제40호
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• pp.29-49
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• 2000

This study has two aim: one is to clarify the restructuring of English in utterance and the other is to make use of text-setting to be applied to getting accustomed to the English rhythm and pronunciation. Clitics prove to play a crucial role on the English restructuring, and are found to be attached to their previous and to their next head or host, thus forming, respectively, an on-cliticized rhythm, trochee and a pro-cliticized rhythm, iambus. En-cliticization proves to be preferred to pro-cliticization in most types of English rhythms. Accordingly, the restructuring turn out to occur all over the levels of the Prosodic Hierarchy. That is, syllables, words and clitic groups are restructured in poetry as well as in song words, which means the necessity of restructuring throughout the levels of the Prosodic Hierarchy from the syllable to the utterance. The present study suggests a good use of a rhythmic textsetting for learners of English to get accustomed to the stress-timed rhythm as well as to such changes in pronunciation as reductions, deletions, resolutions, contractions, and rhythms in English.

• 음성과학
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• 제9권3호
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• pp.185-200
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• 2002

The current study confirmed the existence of an ip prosodic level in French intonation structure, as previously proposed by Sun-Ah Jun & $C\acute{e}cile$cile Fougeron (2000). However, in contrast to the previous suggestion of the plateau realized in an ip in several syntactic structures, the current study supposed that the plateau doesn't come from the different type of syntactic structures but arise from the unspecified syllables without any PA in an ip. Because if we limited ip phrasal tone to the syntactic structure, it would be difficult to find the more general reasons of ip level. Besides /Hi/ and /$H^*$/ we also used /$Hi^*$/ for the focused syllable in the current study. In emphasized sentences, in general, /$Hi^*$/ appeared in the first or second syllable of a leftward AP in an ip and /$H^*$/ in the final syllable of a rightmost AP of an ip, In contrast to these PAs, /$Hi^*$/ might appear in any syllable in an ip, but not to far from /$H^*$/ because the duration time and length t of plateau realized between /$Hi^*$/ and /$H^*$/ or /Hi/ and /$H^*$/ would make an essential harmonious rhythmic unit, Therefore, the current study determined the duration time and the number of syllables realized in each plateau in an ip level composed of more than one AP. As a phrase constituent structure, there is a practical need for intermediate prosodic units to allow for generalization over the many possible combinations of prosodic patterns that can occur. Further evidence is still needed to analyze and relate the different pitch ranges of the plateau of an ip according to the syntactic structure, to identify the considerable character in the French prosodic hierarchy.

• 한국언어정보학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국언어정보학회 2002년도 Language, Information, and Computation Proceedings of The 16th Pacific Asia Conference
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• pp.259-270
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• 2002

I examine various controversial aspects of Chinese prosody-tone structure, syllable structure, stress, and intonation-and stress the need to view all of these as interacting systems, aspects of a hierarchical prosodic structure. 1 examine various proposals at these various levels of the hierarchy and suggest which are most appropriate. Specifically, 1 suggest the adoption of Bao's version of syllable and tone, and Chen's account of stress. As for intonation, it is still not possible to make any definitive claims regarding an optimal model, but I examine work done by Kratochvil, Shih, and Carding et al, and suggest promising directions for future work.

• 비교문화연구
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• 제49권
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• pp.275-301
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• 2017

본 논문은 부분 중첩으로 만들어진 한국어 상징 부사를 대상으로 한 중국 학자 왕홍군(王洪君)의 운율 형태론적 분석의 문제점과 한계를 지적하기 위해 작성되었다. 필자는 왕홍군(王洪君)과는 달리 부분 중첩 현상을 일관되게 접두사화로 가정하고, 접두사 부가 방식에 대한 분류를 시도해 보았으며, 그 결과 어간의 형태, 특히 말음으로 나타나는 소리 자질은 접두사 부가의 양상을 결정하는데 중요한 요인임을 알 수 있었다. 또한 표준 중국어 의성어 부분 중첩 현상에서 접두사 부가에 대한 최적성 이론적 분석을 보이고 이를 토대로 한국어와 표준 중국어 의성 의태어의 제약 등급 순위를 대조한 결과 중첩의 적용 양식이 같음을 확인할 수 있었다. 아울러 두 언어에서 공히 설단음 /t/와 유음 /l/이 특별한 지위를 갖고 있는 이유를 기능론적 관점에서 설명하였다. 이로써 본 논문에서는 최적성 이론의 틀 안에서 중요한 몇 개의 제약과 그들의 특정 등급만으로 다양한 유형의 한국어와 표준 중국어의 부분 중첩 의성 의태어를 쉽게 분석할 수 있음을 보였다.

• 대한음성학회:학술대회논문집
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• 대한음성학회 1996년도 10월 학술대회지
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• pp.246-246
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• 1996

Purpose: Some of the properties of the prosodic phrasing and some acoustic and phonological effects of contrastive focus on the tonal pattern of Seoul Korean is explored based on a brief experiment of analyzing the fundamental frequency(=FO) contour of the speech of the author. Data Base and Analysis Procedures: The examples were chosen to contain mostly nasal and liquid consonants, since it is difficult to track down the formants in stops and fricatives during their corresponding consonantal intervals and stops may yield an effect of unwanted increase in the FO value due to their burst into the following vowel. All examples were recorded three times and the spectrum of the most stable repetition was generated, from which the FO contour of each sentence was obtained, the peaks with a value higher than 250Hz being interpreted as a high tone (=H). The result is then discussed within the prosodic hierarchy framework of Selkirk (1986) and compared with the tonal pattern of the Northern Kyungsang dialect of Korean reported in Kenstowicz & Sohn (1996). Prosodic Phrasing: In N.K. Korean, H never appears both on the object and on the verb in a neutral sentence, which indicates the object and the verb form a single Phonological Phrase ($={\phi}$), given that there is only one pitch peak for each $={\phi}$. However, Seoul Korean shows that both the object and the verb have H of their own, indicating that they are not contained in one $={\phi}$. This violates the Optimality constraint of Wrap-XP (=Enclose a lexical head and its arguments in one $={\phi}$), while N.K. Korean obeys the constraint by grouping a VP in a single $={\phi}$. This asymmetry can be resolved through a constraint that favors the separate grouping of each lexical category and is ranked higher than Wrap-XP in Seoul Korean but vice versa in N.K. Korean; $Align-x^{lex}$ (=Align the left edge of a lexical category with that of a $={\phi}$). (1) nuna-ka manll-ll mEk-nIn-ta ('sister-NOM garlic-ACC eat-PRES-DECL') a. (LLH) (LLH) (HLL) ----Seoul Korean b. (LLH) (LLL LHL) ----N.K. Korean Focus and Phrasing: Two major effects of contrastive focus on phonological phrasing are found in Seoul Korean: (a) the peak of an Intonatioanl Phrase (=IP) falls on the focused element; and (b) focus has the effect of deleting all the following prosodic structures. A focused element always attracts the peak of IP, showing an increase of approximately 30Hz compared with the peak of a non-focused IP. When a subject is focused, no H appears either on the object or on the verb and a focused object is never followed by a verb with H. The post-focus deletion of prosodic boundaries is forced through the interaction of StressFocus (=If F is a focus and DF is its semantic domain, the highest prominence in DF will be within F) and Rightmost-IP (=The peak of an IP projects from the rightmost $={\phi}$). First Stress-F requires the peak of IP to fall on the focused element. Then to avoid violating Rightmost-IP, all the boundaries after the focused element should delete, minimizing the number of $={\phi}$'s intervening from the right edge of IP. (2) (omitted) Conclusion: In general, there seems to be no direct alignment constraints between the syntactically focused element and the edge of $={\phi}$ determined in phonology; all the alignment effects come from a single requirement that the peak of IP projects from the rightmost $={\phi}$ as proposed in Truckenbrodt (1995).